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WORKS ISSUED BY

FIEST VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD, BY MAGELLAN.

No. LII.

Digitized by tine Internet Arciiive

in 2011 witii funding from

Boston Public Library

http://www.archive:org/details/firstvoyageroundOOpiga

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Boston Public Librarj,

THE FIRST

VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD,

MAGELLAN.

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TRANSLATED PROM THE ACCOUNTS OF

PIGAFETTA,

AND OTHER CONTEMPORARY WRITERS.

^ccainpanieU bg ©rtginal IBocuments, Suitfj ^otts ant) an Inttoiuction,

LOED STANLEY OF ALDEKLEY.

LONDON : PRINTED FOR THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.

M.DCCCLXXIV.

/ oL^*^ ^

T. BICHARBS, 37, SEEAT QUEEN STBEKT.

COUNCIL

THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY

The Right Hon. Sir DAVID DITNDAS, Peesibknt.

Reak-Admirai, C. R. DRINKWATER BETHUNE, C.B. ^

Majoe-General Sie HENRY RAWLINSON, K.C.B., f.R.S., C ^^^^"■^"^^^°^^''®' Pees.R.G.S. ^

W. A. TYSSBN AMHURST, Esq.

Rev. De. GEORGE P. BADGER, D.C.L., F.R.S.

J. BARROW, Esq., F.R.S.

Vice-Admieal R. COLLINSON, C.B.

Captain COLOMB, R.N.

W. E. FRERE, Esq.

EGERTON V. HARCOURT, Esq.

JOHN WINTER JONES, Esq., F.S.A.

R. H. MAJOR, Esq., F.S.A.

Sie CHARLES NICHOLSON, Baet., D.C.L.

Sie W. STIRLING MAXWELL, Baet.

Vice-Admieal ERASMUS OMMANNEY, C.B,, F.R.S.

Reae-Admieal SHERARD OSBORN, C.B.

The Lord STANLEY of Aldeelet.

EDWARD THOMAS, Esq., F.R.S.

The Hon. FREDERICK WALPOLE, M.P.

CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, Esq., C.B., F.R.S., Sec.R.G.S., Honoeaet Seceetaey.

CONTENTS.

Introduction . . . . .

The Genoese Pilot's Account of Magellan's Voyage

Narrative of the Anonymous Portuguese

Pigafetta's Account of Magellan's Voyage

Pigafetta's Treatise of Navigation

Names of the First Circumnavigators

Magellan's Order of the Day in the Straits

Letter of Maximilian, the Transylvan

LoG-BooK OF Francisco Alvo or Alvaro

Account of the " Trinity" and her Crew

Account of the Mutiny in Port St. Julian, and

Caspar Correa's Account of the Voyage Cost of Magellan's Fleet Appendix ....

Index ....

i-ls

1-29

30-32

35-163

164-174

175-176

177-178

179-210

211-236

237-242

243-256

257

i-xiv

xvii-xx

PLATES AND MAPS.

Portrait of Magellan

Arms of Magellan

Facsimiles of Signatures

Pigafetta's Map of the Straits

Track of the "Victoria" in the Pacific

Islands of Amsterdam and St. Paul .

to face Title 1 1 65 177

INTRODUCTION

AND

LIFE OF MAGELLAN

Teucer Salamina patremque

Qaum fugeret, tamen uda Ljseo Tempora populea fertur vinxisse corona,

Sic tristes afFatus amicos : Quo nos cunque feret melior Fortuna parewte,

Ibimus, o socii comitesque ! Nil desperandum Teucro duce et auspice Teucro ;

Certus enim promisit Apollo Ambiguam tellure nova Salamina futuram.

0 fortes, pejoraque passi Mecum ssepe viri, nunc vino pellite curas :

Cras ingens iterabimus sequor.

Though Magellan's enterprise was tlie greatest ever undertaken by any navigator, yet he has heen deprived of his due fame by the jealousy which has always existed between the two nations inhabiting the Pen- insula : the Spaniards would not brook being com- manded by a Portuguese, and the Portuguese have not yet forgiven Magellan for having abandoned them to serve Castile. But Magellan really had no choice ; for if the western passage which he expected to discover was to be sought for, it could only be under the auspices of Spain, within whose demarcation those waters lay.

11 INTRODUCTION AND

It would seem that D. Manuel had only himself to blame for the loss of Magellan's services ; and, as M. Amoretti well observes, D. Manuel ought to have been well aware of the value of those services, since Charles V knew it, and showed his appreciation of them. It is difficult to believe that the injury of which Magellan complained, and which led him to seek other service, was merely, as Osorio says, the refusal of promotion in palace rank, and which he liad w^ell deserved, especially since the motive ascribed by Osorio to the king's refusal, namely the necessity of avoiding a bad precedent, was not alone a sufficieut affront to account for Magellan's sacrificing all his hopes and property in his own country, had he not also felt that the king was condemning him to inaction, obscurity, and uselessness. Barros, indeed, says that :

" The favours of princes given for services are a retribu- tive justice, which must be observed equally with all, with regard to the quality of each man : and that if a man's por- tion be denied him, though he endures it ill, yet he will have patience ; but if he see the advancement of those who have profited more by ai tifice and friends than by their own merits, he loses all patience ; indignation, hatred, and de- spair arise, and he will commit faults injurious to himself and others. And what outraged Magellan more than the refusal of the half ducat a month, was that some men who were with him at Azamor, said that his lameness was feigned to support his petition."

The king, moreover, refused to receive Magellan, and showed his ill-will against him. It is therefore highly probable that before Magellan took the step of leaving Portugal, D. Manuel, prompted by his niggardly dis-

LIFE OF MAGELLAN. -Ill

position, had refused to entertain Magellan's desire for employment at sea, or his projects of discovery, from which no immediate profit was to be expected. This is apparent from the statement of Barros, Decad. iii, lib. V, cap. viii, that letters of Magellan to Francisco Serrano were found after the death of the latter in Maluco, in which Magellan said that he should soon see him ; and, if it were not by way of Portugal, it would be by way of Castile, and that Serrano should therefore wait for him there. Further on, Barros says that recourse to Castile appears from these letters to have been in Magellan's mind some time before the occurrence of the king's dismissal of his business : and that this was shown by his always associating with pilots, and occupying himself with sea-charts.

The Portuguese exaggerated very much the injury they expected to result, and, later, which they thought had resulted from Magellan's voyage, which could not change the position of the Moluccas, nor consequently the Portuguese title to them ; but the apprehensions which they felt, arose from their fear of others sharing in the spice trade, and from the limited geographical knowledge of the period, which left both parties very much in doubt as to the true position of those islands, or as to the extent of the circumference of the globe. The question of the exact position of the Moluccas was not definitely ascertained till much later, though a compromise was arrived at in 1529 by the treaty between Spain and Portugal, by which Charles V gave up whatever rights to the Moluccas he imagined he possessed, to Portugal, for a sum of three hundred and

h 2

IV INTRODUCTION" AND

fifty thousand ducats.^ As late as 1535, Gaspar Correa mentions, torn, iii, p. 661, a Dominican friar in Portu- guese India, who was learned in cosmography, and who asserted that the Moluccas fell within the demar- cation of Castile,

The grounds of complaint of the Portuguese against Magellan are, perhaps, best expressed, and in the strongest terms, by Bishop Osorio, so it may be well to quote from him the following passage. Lib. xi, § 23.

'^ About this time a slight offence on the part of the king (D. Manuel) so grievously exasperated the mind of a certain Portuguese, that, forgetful of all faith, P^ety, and religion, he hastened to beti^ay the king who had educated him, and the country which had brought him forth ; and he risked his life amongst the greatest perils. Ferdinand Magellan, of whom we have before spoken, was a man of noble birth, and endued with a high spirit. He had given proofs in India, in warlike affairs, of courage and perseverance in no small de- gree. Likewise in Africa he had performed his duties with great ardour. Formerly it was the custom among the Por- tuguese that the king's servants should be fed in the palace at the king's expense ; but when the number of these ser- vants had become so great (because the sons of the king's officers retained the same station, and besides, many were admitted for their services into the king's household), it was seen to be very difficult to prepare the food of such a multi- tude. On this account it was determined by the Kings of Portugal that the food which each man was to receive in the palace should be provided by himself out of the king^s money. Thus it was settled that a certain sum of money was assigned per month to each man. That money, indeed,

1 See Appendix V, pp. 392-396, to De Morga's Philippine Islands, Hakluyt Society, with respect to the negotiations about the Moluccas.

LIFE OF MAGELLAN. V

when provisions were so cheap, provided abundantly for the men j but now that the number of men, and the prices of commodities had increased, it happened that the sum, which formerly was more than sufficient for their daily expenses, was now much too small. Moreover, as all the dignity of the Portuguese depends upon the king, this small sum of money is as eagerly sought after as though it were much more amjole. And as the Portuguese think that the thing most to be desired is to be enrolled amongst the king^s household, so also, they consider the greatest honour to con- sist in an increase of this stipend. For, as there are various ranks of king's servants, so the sum of money is assigned to each servant according to the dignity of his rank. The highest class is that of nobleman; but, as there are distinc- tions of nobility, so an equal salary is not given to all. Thus it happens that the nobility of each is estimated ac- cording to the importance of this stipend, and each one is held to be more noble in proportion to the more ample stipend which he receives. This judgment, indeed, as human affairs go, is often most false ; for many obtain through ambition and pertinacity what ought to be assigned to deserts and innate nobleness. The Portuguese, however, since they are over anxious in seeking this nobility, and imagine that their nobility is increased by a small accession of salary, very often think that they must strive for this little sum of money, as though all their well-being and dignity depended upon it. Now, Magellan contended that for his services, his stipend should be increased monthly by half a ducat. The king refused it him, lest an entrance should be opened to ambitious persons. Magellan, excited by the injury of the refusal of this advantage to him at that time, abandoned the king, broke his faith, and brought the State into extreme danger. And whilst we ought to tolerate the injuries inflicted by the State, and to endure also the outrages of kings, who are the fathers of the republick, and whilst we ought to lay down our lives for the well-being of our country, which lives we owe to our country ; this most

VI INTRODUCTION AND

audacious man conceived such despite on account of half a ducat, amounting to five denarii, which was refused to him^ that he opposed the State ; he offended the king, who had brought him up ; and brought his country, for Vt'hich he should have died, into peril. For the affair reached such a pitch that the danger of a perilous war impended over the commonwealth. I do not know, indeed, whence so barbar- ous a custom has crept into the State : for, whilst the name of a traitor is not only hateful and hated, but also burns in the stain of everlasting dishonour upon a whole postei-ity ; yet men who determine upon breaking their faith, and op- posing their kings or states, may reject the favours they have received by formal letters, may abjure their fealty, and despoil themselves of the rights and duties of the State; they bid the king keep for himself that which belongs to him, and they attest that thenceforward they will have nothing in common with their country : then, at length, they contend that it is allowable for them to commence war against their country. Be it so: reject favours if it please you; contemn the liberality of your country ; grumble as much as you please, that a reward equal to your dignity has not been granted. But by what means can you betray the faith which you have plighted ? My country has inflicted on me a severe outrage; it has inflicted, indeed, the worst. But an outrage is not to be avenged, either upon parents or upon one^s country. I have abandoned, he says, all that I had received from my country. Have you then rejected life, disposition, and education ? By no means. But all these things ; you received them, in the first place, from God, and then from the laws, customs, and institutions of your country. It will never be allowable to combat nature, to injure your country, or to break faith, even should you be laden with every injury. Nay, your life should be given up, and the most extreme punishments should be under- gone, sooner than break your faith, or betray your duty. Abjure fealty as much as you please, attest your perfidy by public letters, leave to posterity a notable memory of un-

LIFE OF MAGELLAN. Vll

. speakable wickedness ; yet you will not be able by any such document to avoid offending the Deity, nor the stain of an everlasting opprobi-ium.''^

Against this view of Osorio may be set the following passage from Vattel, which has all the more weight, in that it is simply an enunciation of law and right, and is not written to support or to denounce any particular person.

" Many distinctions will be necessary, in order to give a complete solution to the celebrated question, whether a man may q^uit his country, or tlie society of ivhicJi he is a member. The children are bound by natural ties to the so- ciety in which they were born; they are under an obligation to shew themselves grateful for the protection it has afforded to their fathers, and are in a great measure indebted to it for their birth and education. They ought, therefore, to love it, as we have already shewn, to express a just gratitude to it, and requite its services as far as possible by serving it in turn. We have observed above, that they have a right to enter into the society of which their fathers were members. But every man is born free ; and the son of a citizen, when come to the years of discretion, may examine whether it be convenient for him to join the society for which he was de- stined by his birth. If he does not find it advantageous to remain in it, he is at liberty to quit it, on making it a com- pensation for what it has done in his favour, and preserving, as far as his new engagements will allow him, the sentiments of love and gratitude he owes it.^^ — Ghittys translation of Vattel, book i, cap. xix, § 220.

There are also some remarkable passages in a pam- phlet by Condorcet, dated October 25th, 1791, named Opinion sur les Emigrants. This opinion deserves attention, both on account of its author and the time in which it was written, when popular passions and

vm INTRODUCTION AND

prejudices were much excited against tliose who were expatriating themselves from France.

Condorcet beoins with the statement, that :

"It is a great error to imagine that the pubhc utihty is not constantly to be found united with the rights of indivi- duals, or that the public well-being may demand acts of real injustice. This error has everywhere been the eternal excuse for the inroads of tyranny, and the pretest for the artful manoeuvres employed to establish it.^

" On the contrary, in the case of every measure that is proposed as useful, it must first be examined whether it is just. Should it not be so, it must be concluded that it had only an empty and fallacious appearance of utility.

" Nature concedes to every man the right of going out of his country ; the constitution guarantees it to every French citizen, and we cannot strike a blow at it. The Frenchman who wishes to leave his country, for his business, for his health, even for the sake of his peace and well-being, ought to have the fullest liberty to do so : he ought to be able to use this liberty, without his absence depriving him of the least of his rights. In a great empire, the variety of pro- fessions, and inequality of fortunes, do not admit of residence and personal service being regarded as a common obligation which the law may impose upon all citizens. This rigor- ous obligation can only exist in the case of absolute neces- sity ; to extend it to the habitual state of society, and even to all periods when the public safety or tranquillity may seem to be menaced, would be to disturb the order of use- ful labours, and to attack the sources of general prospe- rity.

" Every man, moreover, has the right to change his coun- try; he may renounce that in which he was boi'n, to choose

^ This opinion may be recommended to those who war on "pious founders".

LIFE OF MAGELLAN". IX

another. From tliat moment, as a citizen of his new coun- try, he is only a foreigner in the first ; but if some day he returns to it, if he has left any property in it, he ought to enjoy there to the full the rights of man ; he has only de- served to lose those of a citizen.

" But here a first question presents itself. Is this citizen by his sole renunciation released from every obligation to- wards the body politic which he abandons ? Does the society from which he separates himself lose immediately all its rights over him ? Doubtless, not ; and I do not speak only of those sentiments which a noble and grateful soul pre- serves for its country, even though it be unjust ; I speak of rigorous obligations, of those which a man cannot fail to fulfil without becoming guilty of an offence : and 1 say that there exists a time during which a man placed between his ancient and his new country can only permit himself to ex- press hopes as to the differences which arise between them : a time when that one of the two nations against which he might bear arms would have the right to punish him as an assassin ; and when the man who might employ his riches or talents against his former countrymen, would really be a traitor.

" I will add that each nation has also the right to fix the time after which the citizen who abandons it is to be con- sidered as free from all obligation, and to determine what are his duties until the expiration of that period, and what actions it still preserves the power to forbid him. To deny this principle, would be to break all the social bonds which can bind men together. This period, doubtless, is not an arbitrary one ; it is that during which the citizen who abdi- cates can employ against his country the means which he has received from it, and during which he can do it more injury than could a foreigner."

Further on, Condorcet proposes two years as the period during which a citizen who renounces his nationality shall engage not to enter the service of any

X INTRODUCTION AND

foreign power, unless he has been authorised so to do by a decree of the national assembly. He also proposes various measures for different classes of emigrants, and the full enjoyment of their property on the same foot- ing as foreigners, by those who sign an engagement not to take foreign service for two years, nor during that time to solicit the aid of any foreign power against the nation or its constituted authorities.

Magellan fully satisfied the conditions specified by Vattel, as may be seen by his conversations with Sebastian Alvarez, the King of Portugal's agent : at this date, also, it is sufiiciently clear that Magellan not only did no harm to his native country, but that he increased its renown by his own services, and by those of the other Portuguese ofiicers whom he associated with his labours. If his countrymen have preferred Gama to him, it is because he only served the interests of science, whilst Gama served the pa.ssions of his countrymen, and aided them to enrich themselves. After D. Manuel had refused employment and advance- ment to Magellan, and seemed inclined to leave him in the obscurity of a small garrison in Africa, the Portu- guese would seem to have no more right to complain of Magellan's profiting by the opportunities offered by Spain, than the Genoese would have had, if they had reproached Columbus for availing himself in a similar way of the resources of that country. D. Manuel, it is true, made offers to Magellan if he would leave Spain and return to Portugal, but it was then too late, for the great navigator had already pledged his word to Charles V.

\

LIFE OF MAGELLAN. XI

. There is another circumstance which justifies Ma- gellan still more than if he had been an Englishman or a Frenchman, a circumstance peculiar to Spain and Portugal. In the Peninsula, the kingly power was of recent origin, and had been divided amongst several crowns : the wearers of these crowns had been at first only the equals of other great lords, and, after they had acquired these crowns, they were only the first amongst their equals ; and such they recognised them- selves to be by their coronation oaths, even long after the time of Magellan. In these coronation oaths they also bound themselves more than did other European sovereigns to respect all the privileges of the great nobles ; any infraction of which was held to justify these in revolt from the sovereign. At the same time there existed the custom and tradition of disnaturalisa- tion, in accordance with which any noble who felt aggrieved, formally renounced his fealty to the sove- reion, and betook himself to some neighbouring state, Osorio and Mariana, who wrote when the kingly power had become consolidated, ridicule this custom ; but it must have had the advantage of giving time and opportunity for a peaceable settlement instead of an immediate recourse to arms. But whether the custom was good or bad, there is no doubt that it was gener- ally and constantly acted upon ; and Magellan was following precedents that were generally received in the Peninsula. It is unfortunate that the document mentioned by historians, by which Magellan formally renounced fealty to D. Manuel, is not forthcoming in the archives either of Spain or Portugal ; but it may

XU INTEODUCTION AND

be supposed to be similar in substance to those renunci- ations wHcli Osorio mentions and reproves.

Among those who disnaturahsed themselves may be cited various Condes de Haro of Biscay, and Guz- man, who gave his services to Marocco, and who bears the title of El Bueno. With rea;ard to Count Dieso de Haro, who in 1216 withdrew from Castile to Navarre, Mariana makes the following observations.

'' Several great lords of Castile, irritated against their king, whose avarice they could not endure^ had passed into the kingdoms of Navarre and Aragon^ after having re- nounced their right of naturalisation by a public deed, a means formerly in use amongst those nations^ in order not to be regarded as traitors and rebels when they quitted the states of their sovereign. . . Among the grandees who came to take refuge in Navarre, the most illustrious beyond dis- pute was Don Diego de Haro. This lord had excellent qualities : never were seen greater constancy, probity, or zeal for the public service than his ; the slightest injustice irritated him. It was in order not to see his country and freedom oppressed, that he abandoned Castile.'''' — Mariana, History of Spain, book xiii.

''In the year 1276, Alfonso the Wise had defeated Yussuf, the Emperor of Marocco, and made peace with him with the assistance of Guzman : a tournament was held in Seville in celebration of it, and King Alfonso having asked who had most distinguished himself, was told D. Alonzo Perez. He asked which of them^ and. D. Juan Ramirez de Gruzman replied: 'Alonzo Perez de Guzman, my brother of profit.^ This answer seemed ill to all, and especially to Guzman, who saw that a slur was cast upon the illegitimacy of his birth, for at that time they named children of profit {ganan- ciu), those who were born of unmarried women, and his mother had not been married. Guzman, irritated at being thus spoken of before the king and the court, then said :

LIFE OF MAGELLAN. XIU

'You speak trutli, I am a brotlier of profit, but you are and will be one of loss ; and were it not for the respect due to the presence in which we stand, I would teach you the manner in which you should treat me ; but you are not to blame for it, but rather he who has brought you up and taught you so ill/ The king, against whom this complaint appeared to be directed, then said : ' Your brother does not speak ill, for so it is the custom in Castile to name those who are not children of women married to their husbands/ ' So also/ he replied, '' is it the custom of the nobles of Castile, v^hen they are not well treated by their sovereigns, to go abroad to seek those who will treat them well ; I will do likewise; and I swear not to return until with ti-uth they may call me a man of profit. Grrant me, therefore, the term which the privilege of the nobles of Castile gives, that I may go out of the kingdom, for from this day I disnaturalise myself, and take leave of being your vassal.' The king attempted to dissuade him, but his efforts being in vain, he had to grant him the term which he asked for ; during which Guzman sold all that he had inherited from his father or acquired in the war, and went out from Castile, accom- panied by thirty of his friends and servants." — Quintana, Vidas de Espanoles Celehres.

There seems to be some inconsistency on the part of those who refuse to admit of disnaturalisation, yet at the same time maintain that rebellion can be justified. If there is a justification of rebellion, the right of expa- triation, or of withdrawal from amongst those who provoke rebellion, must exist ; and there can be no doubt that the peaceable withdrawal of those who are oppressed or injured is preferable in the interests of all to armed insurrection. Even Bishop Osorio and Mariana would probably admit that the disnaturalisa- tion of Prim and Serrano would have been better than

XIV IIsTJRODUCTlON AND

tlieir treason, which has plunged Spain in anarchy and bloodshed for so many years.^ Rebellions have almost always been conducted by minorities ; and as their justification does not depend upon the numerical im- portance of those engaged in them, it would follow that in the case of disnaturalisation, where numbers are not requisite, as in the case of armed insurrection, the right would exist equally even if the minority con- sisted only of one.

There are some writers on the Law of Nations, with whom I am agreed in general, who disapprove of the Naturalisation and Disnaturalisation Act of the Session of 1869. I am compelled to differ from them with respect to that measure, for the foregoing reasons, and also because it seems to me that they have lost sight of another circumstance which affects the question. So long as kingly power was a reality, personal allegiance and duty to the sovereign was a reality also. But now that modern innovation and corruption have substituted the rule of majorities for the kingly power, the feeling of the personal duty of the subject is almost lost ; and the subject, or citizen, has be- come only one of an aggregation of individuals, or of an association of persons with equal rights ; and each member of such an association has clearly the right to choose whether he will form part of it or not : so that whatever rights of expatriation may have existed in

^ Thus Hazelrigg, Hampden, Cromwell, and Pym, are said to have been prevented by the Government from emigratmg to New England in 1638. See Palfrey's Hist, of New England^ vol. i, pp. 502, 503.

LIFE OF MAGELLAN. XV

the times of Magellan, Grotius, and Vattel, havd become mucli stronger at the present time, when thd conscience of the subject is no longer considered byi^ some as held bound by duty to the sovereign, who has become almost impersonal : instead of loyalty and fealty, we have the duty of fair dealing as between partners and associates on equal terms, as is exemplified by the argumentation of Condorcet in the passage quoted above. That this view is in accordance with the common sense and consent of mankind is shown by the general repudiation of the pretension of the northern portion of the United States to term the secession of the southern states a rebellion ; and this pretension Was seen to be especially illogical on the part of those who had repudiated the name of rebels when they departed from the duty of obedience to their lawful Sovereign.

Magellan has not had the good fortune of Vasco da Gama, whose exploits have been narrated by Camoens ' and Gaspar Correa ; he did not survive to give his own account of his great voyage, and the only accounts preserved were written by two Italians of very small literary capacity. There are, however, more documents concerning Magellan in existence than are to be found with respect to Gama.

The birth-place of Magellan is doubtful ; according to his will executed in Lisbon, December 29th, 1504, in favour of his sister, Theresa de Magalhaes, w^ife of Joan da Sylva Telles, he was born at Villa de Sabroza, in the district of Villa Eeal, Traz os Montes ; in his will of August 24th, 1519, he calls himself " Vezino dc

XVI INTRODUCTION" AND

Porto," or domiciled at Porto ; documeDts quoted by M, Ferdinand Denis make him to be born at Villa de Figueiro in Portuguese Estremadura. His family was " hidalgo," with a known coat of arms, of which a plate is given in this volume.

The book of noble genealogies of Portugal, by Ber- nardo Pime'nta do Avelar Portocarrero, states, in the vol. M, done and copied in the year 1721, fo, 641, that Euy de Magalhaes, whose parents are unknown, was Alcaide-mor of Aveiro. He married Alda de Mesquita, daughter of Martin Gonzalves Pimentel and Ignez de Mesquita. Antonio de Lima (another genealogist) re- presents her as the wife of Gil de Magalhaes, fifth son of Gil de Magalhaes ; and he gives her the same children as others give to Ruy de Magalhaes : who had

Genebra de Magalhaes, wife of Pero Cao.

Fernao de Magalhaes, who married Da. Brites Bar- bosa, daughter of his relation Diogo Barbosa, alcaide- mor of Seville, in the absence of D. Alvaro of Por- tugal ; he had

Da. Anna de Magalhaes, his heiress, the wife of D. Hernando de Henao e Avila, from whom his lineage continues. She was his only child.

This does not agree with the archives of Seville, from which it appears that Beatriz Barbosa was daughter of Diego Barbosa and Maria Caldera, and that Fernan Magalhaes and Beatriz Barbosa had a son named Rodrigo ; and that after the death of these three, Diego Barbosa became their heir; and he having died in. 1525, his son Jayme inherited,

Fernan Magellan executed a will in Seville on the

LIFE OF MAGELLAN. XVll

24th day of August, 1519. He instituted by it a mayorazgo for his son, grandson, or relation, who should bear the name of Magallanes, and who should be bound to live in the kino-doms of Castille. He also bequeathed a sum of 12,500 maravedis to the Convent of N. S. de la Victoria in Triana.

Two facsimiles of the sio-nature of Maofellan are given, one taken from his signature to the protocol of the Council of War, held at Cochim in 1510 ; there is also a facsimile of the signature of another Magellan, taken from the book of Moradias or Palace stipends, attached to a receipt printed by Navarrete, who appears to have supposed it to have been that of the navigator : and a facsimile of the signature of Magellan's brother- in-law Duarte Barbosa.

Caspar Correa states, in his Lendas da India, tom. II, p. 28, that, in January of 1510, Alfonso d'Alboquerque despatched the ships from Cochim to the kingdom.

" Two ships of Bastian de Sousa and Francisco de Sa convoyed this fieetj and at night they both struck on the shoals of Padua^ which are opposite the Maldive Islands^ and remained aground^ upriglit, and with(j)ut breaking up. Upon this they prepared the boats as well as they could, and raised their sides, and put inside water and biscuit, and victuals which did not require cooking. The captains and pilots, and as many men as could, got into these boats and returned to Cochym. The people who remained in the ships set shores^ on each side of the ships, with the yards, which they cut. All this was arranged and commanded by an honourable gentleman, who remained as overseer, named Fernan de Magalhaes, who had been much wounded in

1 "Escoras."

c

XVm INTRODUCTION AND

Oalecut. He took mucli care that the chests should not be broken^ and that there should be no robbery, because the captains were going to request ships of the governor^ with which to return to the ships to save what goods had not been wetted. These captains reached Cananor in eight daySj from whence they sent a message to the governor, who at once sent Gonzalo de Ci-asto in a caravel, with two pilots; and they went to the ships and put the best things on board the caravel, until they could not load it any more, and having recovered all the men, they set fire to the ships, as they were already full of water. So they returned to Oochim, In this ^F'ernan de Magalhaes worked hard, and did much service, and attended well to everything.

'^ This Fernan de Magalhaes was of the king^s household, and came to India with the Viceroy Dom Francisco [d^ Al- meida], and he was in the action with the Turks; and he was always much wounded in the fleets and in Calecut; and in these ships he lost his small portion of property,^ and he went away poor to Portugal, and went about with claims for his services, and begged of the king a hundred reis in- crease of his palace stipend,^ which the king did not choose to grant, at which he was aggrieved, and went to Castile to live at Seville, where he married. As he had much know- ledge of the art of navigation, and enterprise, and devoted himself to that, he came to an understanding with the directors of the House of Trade of Seville, so that the em- peror gave him a fleet of five ships, with which he navi- gated, discovering a new way to Maluco, which was in the year 1519, as I will relate further on in its place; with which he caused great difiiculties to Portugal.''^

Correa again refers to the incident of Magellan remaining with the wreck, in Lis tome ii, p. 625,

where he says :

" Fernan de Magalhaes, an honourable gentleman, who served in these parts in the time of the Viceroy Afonso 1 " Perdeo sua pobreza" 2 "Moradia."

LIFE OF MAGELLAN. XIX

d'AlboquerquGj of whom I made mention in the first book, with respect to two ships which were going to the kingdom, which were lost on the shoals of Padua, and their captains went back to Cochjm in their boats, and this Fernan de Magalhaes remained in the ships with the men taking care of the ships until caravels came from Cochim in which much property, belonging to the king and to private indi- viduals, was saved. This Fernan de Magalhaes, on going to the kingdom and bringing before the king his services, asked in satisfaction for them that he should have an in- crease in his palace stipend of a hundred reis a month, which the king refused him, because he did not find favour with him, or because it was so permitted to be. Fernan de Magalhaes, offended at this, becanse he much entreated the king to do it, and he would not, asked his leave to go and live with whoever would show him favour, where he might obtain more good fortune than with him. The king told him to do as he pleased ; for which he wished to kiss his hand, which the king did not choose to give him."

Castanheda, in relating the wreck on the Padua banks, says (lib. in, cap. v) :

" There were disputes as to who should go away with the captains from the grounded vessels, and Magellan said that it was clear that all could not go away, and that to avoid strife, which was commencing, let the gentlemen and chief men go away with the captains, and he would remain with the sailors and other common people, provided they would promise to return for him, or get the governor to send for him. This they swore to, and Fernan de Magalhaes stayed behind, the common people consented to remain, for other- wise there must have been strife. As Magalhaes was in the boat, when it was nearly ready to go away, a sailor, think- ing that he repented himself of remaining, said to him : ' Sir, did you not promise to remain with us ?^ He replied : ' Yes ; and see, I am coming ; ' and went to them and re- mained with them. In this he shewed great courage, and confidence in the men.'^

C ^

XX INTRODUCTION AND

Barros relates the incident of the two vessels wrecked on the banks of Padua, and says that Antonio Pacheco was sent with a caravel to their assistance ; and that :

" As mucli honour as Antonio Pacheco gained in tlie metliod witli which he recovered these crews, with the dif- ferences which he had with them on account of some goods which the men took with thera, so much honour also did Magellan gain by the good management of these men, which he shewed whilst waiting with them till they came to fetch them. And if he had had as much loyalty to his king and country, as he observed with a friend of his, on whose account he would not go away in company with Bastian de Sousa [the captain] ; for they did not take away the other man, as he was not a man of much importance, perchance he would not have lost himself with a name of infamy, as will be seen further on/^ — Decad. II, lib. iv, chap. i.

Thus Castanheda and Barros, who are both of them very hostile to Magellan, have preserved one of the finest traits of his life. Whether the motive of Ma- gellan in remaining by the wreck w^as fidelity to the interests of his friend, or devotion to the common sea- men, or the repugnance of an officer and a gentleman to abandon a ship which had not broken up, this trait is alone sufficient to show that he was incapable of dis- loyalty, or of being influenced by pique, as the Portu- guese historians have represented.

The next mention we find of Magellan is in the following document, preserved in the archives of Lisbon, which contains an account of a Council of War held by Albuquerque respecting his attack on Goa. This document confirms what Correa says of Albu- querque's departure from Cochym for Goa.

LIFE OF MAGELLAN. XXI

Gouncil held hy Alfonso d' Albuquerque with the Captains with respect to going to Ooa.

Torre do Tombo. Corpo Chron. Part 2a, Mac 23, Doc. 190.

Thursday, wliicli was the tenth day of the month of Oc- tober, of five hundred and ten, the captain-major ordered all the captains of the king our sovereign to be summoned in Cochim, in order to hold a council with them, to which council there came those named below, and no others. This council was as to whether, whilst the ships of burden remained in Cochim taking in their cargo, it seemed good to them to carry all their crews with them to the action of Goa, or not.

Fernan de Magalhaes said that it seemed to him that the captain-major ought not to take the ships of burden to Goa, inasmuch as if they went thither they could not pass this year to Portugal, since we are at the twelfth of October; and that, making their shortest course without touching at Cananor, nor at any other port, it was not possible to lay the fleet before the port of Goa before the eighth of Novem- ber,^ as the winds were now contrary for that place : and with respect to the crews, let his worship say whether it was well that they should go, that it seemed to him that he ought not to take them, since there did not remain time for them to lay out their money, nor to do anything of what was necessary for the voyage; and this said Fernan de Magalhaes.

The follov\^ing gave an opinion :

Nuno Vaz, captain of the Rumesa.

Antonio da Costa. . .Pei Pequeno.

Duarte da Silva...Gale Grande. *Simao Martins. *D. Joao de Lima...Sta. Maria d'Ajuda.

^ Albuquerque did not arrive before Goa till the 24th Novem- ber. Correa, tom. ii, p. 145.

Xxii INTRODUCTION AND

^Sebastian de Miranda... Gale Pequeno.

Fernan de Magalhaes.^

Jeronimo Teixeira...Sta. Maria do Campo. *Jorge da Silveira.

Francisco de Sousa...Boa Yentura. *Manuel da Cunha. *Garcia de Sousa...Sta. Clara.

Francisco Corvinel. . . Sant-Iago.

Lourengo de Paiva.

Antonio Eeal, alcaide-mor and captain of Cochim.

Gonzalo de Sequeira, captain-major of the fleet wliicli had just come from Portugal.

Affonso d^Albuquerque said at the end what he de- termined to do.

(N.B. Albuquerque said at the end of these opinions that he was determined to sail on the following day, the eleventh of October,, with the captains who wished to accompany him. Therefore, we are at the twelfth of October, means that that day was close at hand, and not that the council was held on that day.)

Gaspar Correa says, tome ii, p. 138 :

'' When this was thus ended, the governor told all the captains that he was going immediately, and that he would sail from Cananor with all the ships and men that he could take, and go and take Goa, as he trusted in the Lord's Passion that He would assist him; and he gave them notice that so he would act, and not occupy himself with anything else : and he gave them all this notice, because he trusted in the Lord, that he should be able to send news to the king in these ships, that he was taking his rest inside the city of Goa : and, as it was already October, whoever had the will to serve the king, and win such great honour, as it would be to find oneself in such a noble action, would still have time enough to witness the action and return to embark in

^ A facsimile of this signature is given in the plate.

LIFE OF MAGELLAN. . XXlll

Jiis sliip, carrying away so much honour from having been present in the action : and each one was to act according to his own will^ for he would give an account of all to the king in his letters. But the captains, occupied with their profits of selling and taking in cargo, set little store by this, and the governor departed, saying that he was not going to take anyone away with him against his will."

Albuquerque then went to Cananor, which G. Correa says he again left on the 3rd October for Goa (torn, ii, p. 140) ; tres is probably an error for t7'eze, the 13th, which would be in accordance with the statement of the document that Albuquerque sailed from Cochim on the 11th of October, Gaspar Correa gives the follow- ing names of captains who accompanied Albuquerque against Goa.

*Joan de Lima. Joan Serrano.

Jeronymo de Lima, his brother. Diogo Mendes de Vascogon-

Manuel de Lacerda. cellos.

Fernan Peres d'Andrade. Pero Coresma.

Simao d'Andrade, his brother. Baltesar da Silva.

Diogo Fernandes de Beja. Mice Vinete Cerniche.

* Manuel da Cunha. Antonio Haposo.

Duarte de Mello. * Simao Martins.

Francisco de Tavora. Gaspar de Paiva.

Vasco Fernandes Coutiuho. Francisco Pantoja.

■'^Gracia de Sousa. *Bastian de Miranda, d'Azevedo.

Gaspar Cao. Afonso Pessoa.

Lopo Vaz de Sampayo. Jorge Martins de Liao.

Ayres da Silva. Francisco Pereira.

Diniz Fernandes de Mello.

Twenty-eight ships, and 1,700 Portuguese.

He also mentions, p. 145, the following gentlemen as being with Albuquerque in the attack on Goa :

* The names marked with an asterisk are among those who gave an opinion at the Council of War above mentioned.

XXIV .INTRODUCTION AND

Fernan Gomez de Lemos. Simao Martins Henriques.

Nuno Vaz de Castello Branco. Payo Eodrigues de Sousa.

*Jorge da Silveira. Diogo Pires de Miranda.

Ruy de Brito. Duarte de Mello.

Luis Coiitinho, brother of Alvaro Pa§anha.

Vasco Fernandes. Luis Preto.

Simao d'Andrade, brother of Pero d'Afonsequa.

Fernan Peres. Antonio de Matos.

Gonzalo d'Almeida. Antonio Diniz.

And other gentlemen.

The supposition may be hazarded that it was this opinion which Magellan gave at the Council of War in opposition to Alfonso d'Albuquerque, which set D. Manuel against him. Such opposition was enough to have made Albuquerque write unfavourably of Magellan to D. Manuel ; and the ill-will of D. Manuel to Ma- gellan, and his refusal to grant him a due recognition of his services is not otherwise sufficiently accounted for. On the other hand, Gaspar Correa, who was Albuquerque's secretary at one time, does not indicate this ; but Correa is the most friendly to Magellan, of all the Portuguese historians, and does not appear, like the others, to have taxed Magellan with treason.

After this, Magellan appears to have left India, and to have been stationed at Azamor in Morocco, where, in a skirmish with the Arabs, he was wounded in the leg by a javelin, which left him somewhat lame. After that, some disputes arose as to the distribution amongst the townsmen of some cattle that had been captured from the Arabs. When Joao Soarez, Captain of Azamor, left that place, and was succeeded by D. Pedro de Sousa, Magellan left Azamor without leave from D. Pedro de Sousa, and came to Portugal ;

LIFE OF MAGELLAN. XXV

his petition with regard to the increase of his palace stipend had already been sent to B. Manuel; but D. Pedro de Sousa having written to the king of Ma- gellan having left Azamor without leave of absence, and of the complaints made about the cattle, the king refused to receive Magellan, and commanded him to return at once to Azamor, and there give himself up as he was accused. AVhen he arrived there, as Barros says, either because he was free from blame, or, as was mostly asserted, because the frontier ofi&cers of Azamor, in order not to vex him, would not accuse him, he received a sentence of acquittal, and returned with it to Portugal ; but the king always bore ill-will to him, and, Magellan's requests not being granted, he set about that business of which he had written to his friend Francisco Serrano, who was in Maluco.

After Magellan had disnaturalised himself, he took refuge in Spain, accompanied by the astrologer Ruy Faleiro, and having arrived at Seville on the 20th of October, 1517, he entered upon negotiations with the ministers of Charles V ; and the King of Portugal did his utmost, through his agents, to thwart him ; Osorio says that the king would have succeeded in dissuading Charles Y from employing Magellan, had not the Spanish nobles persuaded him not to lose such an opportunity of increasing the Spanish empire. Charles Y then ordered ships to be provided for Magellan, by which he might discover a new way to the east.

Here follows an abstract of documents, copies of which are contained in the Torre do Tumbo, relating to the appointment of Magellan, and the privileges and

XXVI mTRODUCTION AND

powers conferred upon him : these documents are dated in the spring of 1518, more than a year before Ma- gellan sailed ; and it appears that delay was caused partly through the procrastination of the Spanish authorities in Seville, who were charged with equipping the fleet, and partly by the intrigues of the agents of the King of Portugal. These intrigues appear to have been partially successful, and to have caused delay. A final order for the departure of Magellan was given in Barcelona, April 19th, 1519, The original of this document is preserved in the Lisbon archives, and it was probably carried out with the fleet, and fell into the possession of the Portuguese in the Moluccas after Magellan's death ; a translation of this order is given below, and the text is in the Appendix.

After this document, translations are given of two letters (the text of which is given in the Appendix) from Alvaro da Costa, the Portuguese ambassador in Spain, and from Sebastian Alvarez, the Portuguese factor, about the efforts made by them to prevent Ma- gellan's expedition. M. Ferdinand Denis, in the Bio- graphie Universelle, mentions that Alvaro da Costa is said to have pushed his zeal to the extremity of wish- ing to assassinate Magellan, and even his poor asso- ciate, Ruy Faleiro ; this, with regard to the latter, seems hardly probable, judging from Costa's own letter. Navarrete states that the Portuguese agents succeeding in exciting the mob of Seville against Magellan on the 22nd of October, 1518, under the empty pretext that he was substituting the arms of Portugal for those of Castile in his ships. Paria y

LIFE OF MAGELLAJSr. XXVll

Sousa, in his Europa Portuguesa, torn, ii, pt. iv, cap. i, p. 543, says .

"D. Fernando de Yasconcellos^ Bishop of Lamego^ alone expressed the desire that the King of Portugal should either grant favours to him (Magellan) or else have him killed^ because his intentions were most dangerous to the kingdom. The result of this (counsel) was that the kingdom received a great disappointment, and Magellan glorious and everlast- ing fame ; since, whilst the world endures it will endure in the monument of his name, which h^s remained applied to all the South Sea and to his Straits.''^

Que nunca se vera tao forte peito, Do Gangetico mar ao Gaditano ; Nam das Boreaes ondas ao Estreito, Que mostrou o aggravado Lusitano.

Camoens, Canto ii, 55.

And never will their prowess find its mate, No, not from Ganges to the Gadite shore, Not from zVrcturus to the Southern Strait Which first an injured Lusian will explore.

Quillinan. Eis aqui as novas portas do Oriente, Que vosoutros agora ao mundo dais, Abrindo a porta ao vasto mar patente, Que com tarn forte peito navegais : Mas he tambem razao, que no ponente De hum Lusitano hum feito inda vejais, Que de sen Eey monstrandose agravado, Caminho ha de fazer nunqua cuidado.

Cavioens, Canto x, 138.

Thus hast thou all the regions of the East, Which by thee giv'n unto the world is now ; Opening a way with an undaunted breast, Through that vast sea which none before did plough. But it is likewise reason, in the West That of a Lusian too one action thou

Shouldst understand, who (angry with his king) Achieves a great and memorable thing.

Fanahaw.

XXVlll INTRODUCTION AND

Contract and Agreement made by the King of Castile tuith

Fernan Magellan for the discovery which he was to mahe,

a co^y of which he carried with him, signed by the Officers

of the King of Castile, and made by his Secretary

Fernan de los Oobos, and copied word for word}

Gav. 18, MaQo 10, No. 4.

Certificate given in Seville tliat the commendador Fernan de Magallanes, and the bachelor Ruy Faleiro, Portuguese, presented themselves at the Audiencia on the fourth of May, of 1518, before Dr. Sancho de Matienzo, the contador Juan Lopez de Ricalde, and the factor Juan de Aranda, judges and fiscals of their Highnesses, of the India House, residing in this city, in the presence of Juan Gutierrez Oalderon, clerk of their H.H., and his Notary public, on behalf of Diego de Porras^ chief clerk in civil and criminal causes of the said India House j and they presented to the judges two capitulations written on paper and signed by his Highness, and one sealed with a seal of coloured wax at the back and other necessary signatures, and two royal orders (cedulas) of H.H. signed with his royal name, all written by the secre- tary Fernan de los Oobos, the tenour of all which, one after another, is as follows.

The King :

" Since you, Fernando de Magallanes, a knight, native of the Kingdom of Portugal, and the bachelor E,uy Faleiro, also a native of that kingdom, wish to render us a great service in the limits which belong to us in the ocean within the bounds of our demarcation, we order the following capi- tulation to be established with you for that purpose."

1 This document has been abridged here ; it is taken from a copy in the Torre do Tombo, made from another copy, which is very _ illegible. The Spanish is rather antiquated, and much debased, apparently by Portuguese copyists, who have mixed up their own orthography. The Secretary's name was Francisco, not Fernan.

LIFE OF MAGELLAN. XXIX

" Firstly : That you are to go witli good luck to discover the part of the ocean within our limits and demarcation, and because it would not be in reason that, while you go to do the above mentioned, that other persons should cross you to do the same, and taking into consideration that you undertake the labour of this enterprise, it is my favour and will, and I promise that for the first ten following years we will not give leave to any person to go and discover by the same road and course by which you shall ^o ; and if anyone desire to undertake it and should ask our leave for it, before giving it, we will let you know of it in order that if you should be ready to make it in that time in which they oflPer, you should do so, providing an equal sufficiency and equip- ment, and as many ships as the other persons who may wish to make the said discovery : but, be it understood that, if we please to send to discover, or to give leave for it to such other persons as we please by way of the south-west in the parts of the islands and mainland, and all other parts which ' are discovered towards the part where they are to seek the strait of those seas (para buscar el estrecho de aquellas mares), ^ we may order it to be done, or give leave to other persons to do it, both of the mainland by the South Sea, which is discovered, or from the island of S. Miguel, if they wish to go and discover, they may do so. Also, if the governor and people who are now, by our orders, or may in future be in the said mainland, or other of our subjects may wish to discover in the South Sea, they may do so, notwith- standing the above, or any section or clause of this capitula- tion. Also, you may discover in any of those parts what has not yet been discovered, so that you do not discover nor do anything in the demarcation and limits of the most serene King of Portugal, my very dear and well-beloved uncle and brother, nor to his prejudice, but only within the limits of our demarcation/^

^ From this it appears that Magellan anticipated that America would end like Africa.

^25;x INTRODUCTION AND

In consideration of tlieir good-will and services, the next paragraph grants the right to levy upon any isles or coun- tries settled by them after the expenses have been paid, a twentieth part, with the title of our Adelantados and Gover- nors of the said countries and isles, "you, and your sons and rightful heirs for ever, so that they remain for us and the kings that may come after us, and your sons and heirs bemg natives of our realms and married in them; and of this we will send you your formal letter of privileges.'^

The next paragraph grants the right to invest in goods each year the value of a thousand ducats, cost price, to sell in the islands and countries, and bring back the returns, paying only a twentieth in duty to the king without other payment. This only after the return from the voyage, not

during it. i • • i j

Also to grant them greater favour, if more than six islands should be discovered; after six have been set apart for the king, they might mark out two from which they might take the fifteenth part of all the net profits and duties of the king after the expenses had been deducted.

Also of all the net profit that there may be for the king on the return of the fleet, after this first voyage, deducting its expense, they may take a fifth part.

"In order that you may better carry this out, I will order the equipment of five ships, two of one hundred and thirty tons each, and two others of ninety, and another of sixty tons, provided with men, victuals, and artillery ; that is to say, that the said ships shall be supplied for two years, and there shall go in them two hundred and thirty-four persons for their management : amongst masters, mariners, ship- boys, and all other people that are of necessity, according to the memorial, and this we will order to be carried out by our officers in Seville."

Also if either of them died, this agreement was to be kept with, and by the other, as it would have been kept with both if they were alive.

The next paragraph says that a factor, a treasurer, an

LIFE OF MAGELLAN. XXXI

accountant^ and clerks of the said sliips^ shall keep the ac- counts of all the expenses of the fleet.

"All which I pi^omise and plight my faith and royal word that I will order it to be observed to you, in all and for all, according as is contained above, and upon it I have ordered this present to be given, signed with my name. Dated in Valladolid, the twenty-second day of March, of five hundred and eighteen years.

"Yo el Key.

" By order of the King,

"FkANCISCO DE LOS COBOS.^'

Another copy of the same document has the head- ins^ : —

Dona Juana and Don Cai-los, her son, by the grace of God, Queen and King of Castile, Leon, Aragon, the two Sicilies, and Jerusalem, of Navarra, G-ranada, Toledo, Valen- cia, Galicia, the Mallorcas, Seville, Sardinia, Cordova, Cor- sica, Murcia, Jaen, the Algarves, of Aljazira, Gibraltar, of the Canary Isles, of the Indies, isles and mainland of the Ocean- sea. Counts of Barcelona, Lords of Biscay and Molina, Dukes of Athens and Neopatria, Counts of Roussillon and Cerdana^ Marquises of Euristan and Gociano, Archdukes (of Austria, Dukes of Bergona and Brabant, Counts of 'Flanders and Tirol, etc.

Another letter, also dated Valladolid, March 22nd, 1518, and signed by the king, and the secretary Fran- cisco de los Cobos, and signed at the back by Joanes Beijamanse, Fonseca Archiepiscopus, Episcopus, regis- tered, Johan de Samana, Guillermo Chancellor, confers upon Magellan the power of deciding and executing short and summary justice by sea or land in case of suits or disputes arising in the fleet.

Another royal letter of the same date as the above

XXxii INTRODUCTION AND

orders the officers of the India House to provide Ma- gellan with five ships, crews, provisions, etc., according to the memorial which is signed by our chancellor of Bargonha and by the Archbishop of Eosano and Bishop of Burgos ; and bids them use all dispatch.

Another royal letter, dated Aranda, 17th of April, 1518, to Magellan and Buy Faleiro, says that if, after they shall have sailed, either or both of them should die, and that they should have given to the people in the fleet instructions and orders which should be neces- sary for the discovery ; and if they, profiting by them, should discover the isles and parts which they were going to discover, then their heirs and successors should enjoy the favours and privileges contained in the said capitulations.

The document then states that Magellan and Buy Faleiro having presented the capitulations and letters and royal orders of his highness to the said judges, they summoned and required them to fulfil them according to their contents, and they requested this in the pre- / sence of the witnesses, Francisco de Santa Cruz, alguazil « Lorenzo Binelo, and Francisco de Collantes, porter of the Audiencia of the said House. Then the judges took the letters in their hands, and kissed them, and put them on their heads, as the orders of their king, and natural sovereign, whom may God sufier to live and reign many years ; and they would answer more at length in complying with the orders. Witnesses the above-named.

After that, on Monday, at the Audiencia de la Nona, on the thirty-first day of May of 1518, the said judges,

LIFE OF MAGELLAN. XXXlll

Dr. Sanclio cle Matienzo and the contador Juan Lopez

de Ricalde, appeared before me, the said Juan Gutierrez

Calderon, the above-mentioned clerk and notary, and

presented an answer signed with their names to the

presentation made by the Portuguese captains of the

royal orders and letters. And this reply is as follows.

The said judges state, in reply, that the king's

letters order them to provide five ships, and men and

provisions as may be necessary, in conformity with a

memorial which the captains bring, signed by the great

Chancellor of Burgundy and by the very Reverend

Archbishop of Rosano and Bishop of Burgos, which said

memorial up to this time has not been shown to us,

■ and without it we cannot undertake anything ; so let

his Highness send us orders according to that the said

despatch signed, as has been said, by the chancellor and

bishop ; and we are ready to fulfil the orders which his

, Highness sends, having at the time moneys of his High-

j ness in our power. This they said, and gave as their

J answers, and signed it with their names. Doctor

i Matienzo, Juan Lopez de Ricalde.

^ Magellan and Ruy Faleiro asked from Juan Gutierres

' Calderon, Clerk and Notary Public, a certificate and

j^ legalised copy of what had passed for the conservation

of their rights, which he accordingly gave him, dated

on the said day and month (31st May) of 1518.

The letter, the text of which is given in the Ap- pendix No. Ill, the original of which appears to have fallen into the hands of the Portuguese at the Moluccas, is as follows : I d

XXXIV INTRODUCTION" AND

The King :

Fernando de Magallams and Ruy Faleiro, Kniglits of tLe Order of St. James, our captains-general of the fleet, which we command to be equipped to go to discover, and the other separate captains of the said fleet, and pilots, masters, quarter-masters, and seamen of the said fleet : In- asmuch as I know for certain, according to the much in- formation which I have obtained from persons who have seen it by experience, that there are spices in the islands of Maluco ; and, chiefly, you are going to seek them with this said fleet, and my will is that you should straightway follow the voyage to the said islands in the form and guise which I have said and commanded to you, the said Ferdinand de Magallafns ; moreover, I command you all and each one of you that in the navigation of the said voyage you follow the opinion and determination of the said Ferdinand de Magallaiiis, in order that first and foremost, before any other part, you should go to the said islands of Maluco, without there being any shortcoming in this, because thus it is fit- ting for our service, and after this done, the rest that may be convenient may be sought for according to what you have been commanded, and one and all neither do nor let them do anything else in anywise, under pain of losing their goods and their persons, at our discretion. Done in Barce- lona, nineteenth day of April, year of one thousand five I hundred and nineteen.

I, the King.

By order of the King,

Fe*^'' de LOS Covos.

{Docket). — In order that those of the fleet may follow the opinion and determination of Magallans, in order that first and before anything else they go to the spices.

LIFE OF MAGELLAN. XXXV

Translation.

etter of Aluaro da Oosta, giving an Account to the King Dom Manuel of what -passed ivith the King of Castile, to dissuade him from the discovery which he de- termined to order the execution of, by Fernan de Magalhaes.

Torre do Tombo. Gav. 18, MaQo 8, No. 38.

ij Sire,

^ With respect to the business of Fernam de Magal-

;haes, I have done and laboured very much, as God knows,

as I have written to you at length ; and now, Xebres being

ill, I have spoken on this matter very firmly to the king,

laying before him all the objections that there were in it, and

besides other matters, setting forth how ill- seeming and un-

jusual a matter it was for a king to receive the vassals of I ... ....

'another kingf his friend, ag-ainst his will ; which was a things

which was not usual amongst knights, and was held to be a great fault, and a very ill-looking thing : also that I had just before offered to him in Valladolid the services of your royal self, and kingdom and lordships, while he was already jreceiving these men against your pleasure ; and I begged pim to look well that this was not a time for causing dis- 'content to your Highness, especially in a matter of such jlittle importance to him, and of such little certainty, and ithat he had many vassals and men for making discoveries [when the time came, without making use of those who (Came away from your Highness discontented, and that your Highness could not fail to suspect that these men would labour more to do you a dis-service than for anything else ; and that his Highness had now so much to do with dis- covering his own kingdoms and lordships, and settling them, that such novelties ought hardly to come into his recollec- tion, from which scandals might follow, and other things which might well be dispensed with. I also laid before hiaa

d 2

XXXVl INTRODUCTION AND

Low ill this appeared in the year and period of the marriage, and increase of family duty and affection, and that it seemed to me that your Highness would feel deeply the knowledge that these men asked his leave to return, and that he dia not give it ; which would be two evils, the receiving them against your will, and the retaining them against their own wills : and I begged him on account of what was fitting for his service, and for that of your Highness that of two things he should do one, either give them leave to go, or lay aside; this business for this year, by which much would not be lost, and such means might be taken that he might be served without your Highness receiving displeasure fron: the manner in which this should be done. ,'

He, Sire, remained so surprised at what I said to him. that I was amazed ; and he replied to me with the best words in the world, and that on no account did he desire! that anything should be done, by which your Highnes^ should be displeased, and many other good words ; and h^ told me to speak to the Cardinal, and to relate everything to him, I, Sire, had already talked it all well over with the Cardinal, who is the best thing here, and this business doesiri not seem good to him, and he promised me to labour as/ much as he could to avoid speaking to the king; and fori this purpose they summoned the Bishop of Burgos, who id the person who upholds this business, and so two of thq Council again made the king believe that in this he was nott in fault towards your Highness, because he was not sending to make discoveries except within his limit, and very far ofl| from the affairs of your Highness ; and that your Highness ought not to take it ill that he made use of two of your vassals, men of little substance, while your Highness was making use of the services of many natives of Castile j and they alleged many other arguments : lastly, the Cardinal told me that the Bishop and those men used so much urgency in this, that at present the king could not take any other ■ determination.

As long as Xebres was well I contiiiued to set this busi-;

if

15

LIFE OF MAGELLAN. XXXVll

pess before himj as I have said_, and much more. He puts the blaine upon these Castilians who lead the king into this matter^ and withal that, he will speak to the king. Some days past I entreated him much about this business, md he never took a determination, and I think that he will do likewise now. It appears to me. Sire, that your High- aess might get back Fernam de Magalhaes, which would be a great buffet to these people. I do not reckon the bachelor [Ruy Faleiro] for much, for he is almost out of his ■ nind. I took steps with Dom Jorge^ with respect to the ;^oing there of his alcaide, and he says that he will go at my rate ; so. Sire, as this is in this manner, for all that, I tvill never desist from striving in this to the extent of my jower.

I Let not your Highness consider that I said much to the aing in what I did say to him, because, besides what I said s,eing all true, these people, as I say, do not feel anything, teither has the king liberty up to this time to do anything J£ himself, and on this account what he does [Ms affairs) leed to be felt less. The Lord increase the life and State )f your Highness for His holy service. From Saragoga, Tuesday at night, the twenty-eighth of September [1518].^ I kiss the hands of your Highness.

Alvaeo da Costa.

\ ^ D. Jorge of Portugal, Bishop of Siguenza. Ij 2 The date of the year is not given ; however, as the despatch lientions this year as the year of the marriage, it must be assumed o have been written in 1518. D. Manuel married the daughter f Philip I, Da. Leon or, in Villa do Crato, 24th November, 1518. ?he treaty of the marriage was made at Saragossa 22nd May, .518, and ratified in Saragossa 16th July, 1518.

St^

the;

1 I

ft

XXXVlll INTRODUCTION AND j

Letter from Sebastian Alvarez, Factor of Bom Manuel, tc the King, dated Seville, July 18^ 1519.

(Torre do Tombo. Corp. Ohronol.^ Part I. Mago 13^

Doc. 20.) ;^

Sire^

On the 15th of this July I received through Cha vascas^ the equerry, two letters from your Highness^ one of the 18th and the other of the 29fch of last month, which I understood, and without recapitulating the second one, I answer your Highness.

There have now arrived together in this city, Christopheij de Haro and Juan de Cartagena, the chief factor of thq fleet and captain of a ship, and the treasurer and clerk of I this fleet; and in the regulations which they bring therf/ are clauses contrary to the instructions of Fernan de Magal, ' haes; these having been seen by the accountant and facto)^ of the House of Trade, they seek how they can embro? the affairs of Magellan, and they were at once of the opinion ' of those who have recently arrived. {

Together, they sent to summon Fernan de Magalhaes," and requested to know from him the order of this fleet, and; the cause why there was no captain going in the fourthj!^ ship, but only Carvalho, who was a pilot and not a captain, ] He replied, that he wished to take the ship thus for it tl| carry the lantern, and for him to pass over to it from tim^l

to time. i

And they said to him that he carried many Portuguese and that it was not well that he should take so many. He answered, that he would do what he chose in the fleet with- out giving them any account, and that they could not dol it without rendering account to him. There passed be- tween them so many and such evil words, that the factors^ ordered pay to be issued to the seamen and men-at-ans . but not to any of the Portuguese whom Magellan and 1 Faleiro have got to take with them : and at the same ti • a courier was sent to the Court of Castile.

LIFE OF MAGELLAN". XXXIX

' As I saw the matter was beguij and the season convenient for saying that which your Highness bade me say^ I went to the lodgings of Magellan^ where I found him arranging baskets and boxes with victuals of conserves and other things. I pressed him, feigning, that as I found him thus occupied, it seemed to me that the undertaking of Lis evil fiesign was settled, and that, as this would be the last con- versation I should have with him, I wished to recall to his knemory how many times, as a good Portuguese and his friend, I had spoken to him, and opposed the great error which he was committing.

After begging his pardon, if he should receive from me

p,ny offence in the conversation, I called to his recollection

l|iow often I had spoken to him, and how well he had always

'Answered me, and that, according to his replies, I had

always hoped that at the end he would not go to the so

great dis-service of your Highness ; and that what I always

told him was that he should see that this road had as many

tjlangers as Saint Catharine^s wheel, and that he ought to

'■ leave it and take the straight road,^ and return to his native

[country and the favour of your Highness, where he would

Always receive benefits. In this conversation I introduced

[all the dangers which appeared to me, and the faults which

pe was committing. He said to me, that now he could

o nothing else, for his honour's sake, except follow his

bath. I said to him, that to acquire honour unduly, and

/when acquired by such infamy, was neither wisdom nor

[honour, but rather deprivation of wisdom and honour, for he

rmight be certain that the chief Castilians of this city, when

!5peaking of him, held him to be a vile man, of low blood,

ince to the dis-service of his true king and lord he accepted

uch an enterprise; and so much the more since it was pre-

ared, concerted, and requested by him, that he might be

ure that he was held to be a traitor in going against the

tate of your Highness. Here he answered me that he saw

he fault he was committing, but that he hoped to observe

1 Literally, the road to Coimbra.

P

xl INTRODUCTION AND

tlie service of your Highness, and to do you great service by his going. I told him that whoever should praise such a speech, did not understand the matter, because, supposing that he did not touch any of the conquest of your Highness, how was he going to discover what he talked of j moreover, it was to the great detriment of the revenues of your High-! ness, and this would be sustained by the whole realm anc^jj by all sorts of persons : and that thought of his had beeq a more virtuous one which he had when he said to me thatJ if your Highness ordered him to return to Portugal, hej would do so without any other assurance of favours, andl that should your Highness not confer them, there was, always Serradossa and seven ells of serge, and some beadsi of acorns.^ It seemed to me then that his heart was truq as to what befitted his honour and conscience ; that whic was said was so much that it is not possible to write it.

Here, Sire, he began to give a sign, telling me to tel him more, that this did not come from myself, and that i your Highness had bidden me say it, that I should tell him and the favour which you would confer upon him. I tolcJ; him that I was not of so much tonnage as that your High-, ness should put me into such a business ; but I said it to; him as I had done on many other occasions. Here he wished to do me honour, saying that if what I had begur' with him, went forward, without other persons intei'veningj that your Highness would be served; but that Nuiio Eibeird had told him one thing, and that it was of no importance | and Joam Mendez, another, and that these did not agree ; and he told me the favour which they promised on behali of your Highness. Here he made a great lamentation, and said that he felt it all, but that he did not know of anything by means of which he could reasonably leave a king who had shown him so much favour. I told him that to do that which he ought and not to lose his honour, and the favour which your Highness would confer upon him, would be more certain and accompanied by truer honour: and that

1 Meaning, he could become a hermit.

LIFE OF MAGELLAN. xH

he should weigh his coming from Portugal_, which had been for a hundred reals_, more or lesSj of allowances/ which your Highness had not granted him, so as not to break your, ordinance, and that two regulations had arrived contrary to his, and that which he had contracted with the King Don Carlos, and he would see whether that neglect weighed

; morCj for him to go and do what he ought to do, or come

jhere for that which he had come for.

( He wondered much at my knowing so much, and here he

'told me the truth, and that the courier had left : all which

j

1 1 knew. And he told me that certainly there would be no ] reason for his throwing over the undertaking, unless they [ deprived him of anything which had been assigned him by the contract. But first he had to see what your Highness would do. I said to him, what more did he want to see than the instructions, and Huy Faleiro, who said openly that he was not going to follow his lantern, and that he would navigate to the south, or would not go in the fleet ? also, that he thought he was going as captain-major, whilst I knew that others were sent in opposition, whom he would not know of except at a time when he could not remedy his honour ; and that he should not pay attention to the honey, which the Bishop of Burgos put to his lips, and that now was the fit time for him to see whether he would do it, and that he should give me a letter for your Highness, and that I from afiection for him would go to your Highness to act on his behalf, because I had no message^ from your High- ness to occupy myself with the like, but that 1 only spoke I what I thought as at other times I had done. He said to A me that he would not say anything to me until he saw the

1 This contemporary document confirms Osorio as to the cause of Magellan's being disgusted with the King of Portugal ; some historians have represented the quarrel as arising from a distribu- Ition of plundered cattle. Gaspar Correa uses a similar phrase to ijthat in this despatch, " a hundred reis, more or less",

2 Compare this statement with that in the second line of the fifth paragraph of this despatch.

I)

xlii INTRODUCTION AND

message which the courier brought : and with this we con- cluded. I will watch the service of your Highness to the full extent of my power.

At this juncture^ it seems to me well that your Highness should know that it is certain that the navigation which these men hope to perform is known to the King Don Car- los, and Fernan Magellan has told me as much, and there might be some one to undertake the enterprise who would I do more harm. I spoke to Ruy Faleiro on two occasions. | He never answered me anything else than, how could he do anything against the king his lord, who did him such favour. To all that I said .to him, he did not reply anything else. It seems to me that he is like a man dei'anged in his senses, and that this familiar of his has deprived him of whatever knowledge there was in him. It seems to me that, if Fernan Magellan were removed, that Ruy Faleiro would follow whatever Magellan did.

The ships of Magellan's fleet. Sire, are five ; that is to say, one of a hundred and ten tons, two of eighty tons each, and the other two of sixty tons each, a little more or less. They are very old and patched up ; for I saw them when they were beached for repairs. It is eleven months since they were repaired, and they are now afloat, and they are 'caulking them in the water. I went on board of them a few times, and I assure your Highness that I should be ill inclined to sail in them to the Canaries, because their knees are of touchwood.

The artillery which they all carry are eighty guns, of a very small size; only in the largest ship, in which Magellan is going, there are four very good iron cannon. All the crews whom they take in all the five vessels are two hundred and thirty men. The greater number have already received their pay ; only the Portuguese, who will not accept a thousand reis, and who are waiting for the courier to arrive, because Magellan told them that he would get their pay in creased, and they carry provisions for two years.

The captain of the first ship is Fernan Magellan, and o

LIFE OF MAGELLAN. xliil

the second^ Ruy Faleiro ; of the third, Juan de Cartagena, who is the chief factor of the fleet; of the fourth, Qaesada,. a dependant of the Archbishop of Seville ; the fifth goes without any known captain, — Carvalho, a Portuguese, goes in her as pilot. Here it is said that, as soon as they are out of the mouth of the river, he will put into her, as cap- tain, Alvaro da Mesquita of Estremoz, who is here. The Portuguese who have come here to sail are,

Carvalho, pilot.

Bstevan Gomez, pilot.

Serrao, pilot.

Vasco Gal ego, pilot ; he has been living here for some time.

Alvaro de Mesquita of Estremoz.

Martin da Mesquita of Estremoz.

Francisco d^Afonseca, son of the Corregidor of Ros- maninhal.

Christopher Ferreira, son of the Corregidor of Cas- telejo.

Martin Gil, son of the Judge for the Orphans of Lisbon.

Pero d'Abreu, a dependent of the Bishop of Zafy.

Duarte Barbosa, nephew of Diogo Barbosa, a depend- ent of the Bishop of Siguenza.

Antonio Fernandez, who lived in the Moorish quarter of Lisbon.

Luis Afibnso of Beja, who was a dependent of the Lady Infanta, whom may God have in His keeping.

Juan da Silva, son of Nuno da Silva, of the island of Madeira. This man has always told me that he would not go unless, if your Highness held it to be for your service, and he behaves as a concealed friend.

Faleiro has got here his father and mother, and brothers,

1 one of whom he takes with him.

e, I

Other small people of the servants of these also say that

they are going, of which I will make a report to your High- ness, if you command it, when they go.

\

xliv INTRODUCTION AND

The fiftli part of tliis armament is from Cristoval de Haro^, who has spent on it four thousand ducats. They say here that your Highness had ordered to take from him there [in Portugal] twenty thousand cruzados of property. He gives here information about the fleets of your Highness^ both of what is done^ and of what is to be done. I learned that by a servant of his whom he has got there ; by obtaining from him the letters, your Highness might be able to know by what means he learns these secrets.

The goods which they take are copper, quicksilver, com- mon cloths of colours, common coloured silks, and jackets made of these silks.

It is assured that this fleet will start down the river at the end of this July ; but it does not seem so to me, nor before the middle of August, even though the courier should come more quickly.

The course which it is said they are to take is straight to Cape Frio, Brasil remaining on their right hand, until they reack the line of the demarcation ; from thence they are to navigate to the west and west -north -west, straight to Maluco, which, land of Maluco I have seen laid down on the sphere and map, which the son of Reynell made here, which was not completed when his father came here for him ; and his father finished it all, and placed tkese lands of Maluco ; and after this pattern all the maps are made, which Diogo Ribeiro makes, and he makes the compasses, quadrants, and globes, but he does not go in the fleet, nor does he wish to do more than gain his living by his skill.^

From this Cape Frio, until the islands of Maluco througk- out this navigation, there are no lands laid down in the maps which they carry with them. Please God the Almighty that they may make such a voyage as did the Cortereals,^

^ Diego Ribeiro was, later, the cosraographer of Charles V, and, with Martin Centurion in 1524, he translated into Spanish the \l\ Book of Duarte Barbosa and Magellan on the coasts of the Indian lj[l Ocean.

2 Id est, never be heard of again. See Major's Pee. Henry, p. 374. Hj

LIFE OF MAGELLAN. xlv

and tliat your Highness may be at rest^ and for ever be envied^ as you are, by all princes. j Sire, another fleet is being prepared of three small rotten ' ships, in which Andres Nino goes as captain ; he takes outj inside these old ships^ two other small vessels built in pieces ; he goes to the mainland which Pedre Ayres dis- coveredj to the port of Larym^ and from thence he is to go by land twenty leagues to the South Sea^ whither he is to carry by land the newly-built ships^ with the ingging of the old ones, and to fit them out on that South Sea, and with these vessels he is to discover for a thousand leagues, and not more, towards the west of the coasts of the land which is named Gataio ; and in these Gil Gonzalez, the accountant of the Island of Hispaniola, is to go as captain- major, and they are going for two years. When these fleets have sailed, another of four ships will then be made to go, as it is said, on the track of Magellan ; but, as this is not yet put into gear for performance, nothing certain is known : and this is arranged by Christoval de Haro. Whatever more may occur, I will make known to your Highness.

As to the news of the fleet which the King Don Carlos

/ orders to be built to defend himself from, or to attack

I France, or to go to the Empire, as it is said, I excuse my-

/■pelf from writing of it to your Highness, since your High-

/ jaess will obtain them with more certainty from Nuno

iRibeiro, who is in Cartagena. But there is certain news in

this city by letters, that the King of France announces that

the King Don Carlos is not going to be emperor, and that

he will be it. The Pope assists the King of France in an

ihonest way. He grants to him four cardinaPs hats for him

'|;o give to whomsoever he pleases. It is said that the King

pf France keeps them to give to those whom the electors of

bhe empire might wish. There it is assured that either the

King of France will be emperor or else the person he may

/choose. I will take especial care to inform your Highness

ipf what more happens with these fleets, although I had

pecome cool in this matter, because it seemed to me that

/our Highness wished to learn it from some one else ; for I

1

xlvi INTRODUCTION- AND

saw here Nuno Ribeiro and other persons who spoke to me ' in a dissembhng manner, and seeking to learn about me. I kiss the hands of your Highness. From Seville, the 18th of July, of 1519. " Sebastian Alvaeez.

The long interval which elapsed before the example set by Magellan was followed by Drake and Van Noort (for the expedition of the Comendador Loaysa in 1527, and two others having failed, this voyage was not again attempted in those times by the Spaniards) is a proof that greater hardihood was dis- played in Magellan's voyage than in those of Columbus and Gama; and the fortitude and constancy of Magellan appear strongly from the foregoing despatches, since in addition to the physical difficulties of his enterprise, he had to struggle against intrigues, jealousy, and the alternate upbraiding and cajolery of the King of Por- tugal's agents. The despatch of Sebastian Alvarez to Dom Manuel, though biassed as it naturally is, shows that whatever he and the Portuguese of that day thought of Magellan's design, he himself did not con sider that he was doing anything injurious to his kin^ or country, and Camoens, though he repeats the hackneyed accusation of disloyalty against Magellan, yet boasts of his achievements as a lasting honour tci Portugal, in the following lines :

" Fired by thy fame,i and with his king in ire, To match thy deeds shall Magalhaens aspire : In all but loyalty, of Lusian soul, No fear, no danger shall his toils controul. Along these regions from the burning zone To deepest south he dares the course unknown.

1 The fame of Vasco da Gama.

LIFE OF MAGELLAN. xlvil

While to the kingdoms of the rising day, To rival thee he holds the western way, A land of giants shall his eyes behold, Of camel strength, surpassing human mould : And onward still, thy fame, his proud heart's guide, Haiinting him unappeased, the dreary tide .Beneath the southern star's cold gleam he braves, And stems the whirls of land-surrounded waves. For ever sacred to the hero's fame These foaming straits shall bear his deathless name. Through these dread jaws of rock he presses on ; Another ocean's breast, immense, unknown, Beneath the south's cold wings, unmeasured, wide, Receives his vessels ; through the dreary tide In darkling shades where never man before Heard the waves howl, he dares the nameless shore. Thus far, 0 favoured Lusians, bounteous heaven Your nation's glories to your view has given. What ensigns, blazing to the morn, pursue The path of hei'oes, opened first by you ! Still be it your's the first in fame to shine : Thus shall your brides^ new chaplets still entwine, With laurels ever new your brows enfold. And braid your wavy locks with radiant gold."^

I,

The poet of the Lnsiad, who had said that the Muses sa] g of Gama unwillingly, here concludes his praises of Magellan with a promise to the Portuguese of ever Yc lewed praise — a promise which will be fulfilled by p ^jterity whenever the character and enterprise of Ma- gellan are compared with those of his contemporaries; fo: whilst the cruelty and violence of Gama, and the difficulty his companions had in restraining him, were very serious defects in his character, Magellan gave

^ The nymphs of the Ilka namorada, or Fame. 2 From the rather free translation of Miclde.

xlviii INTRODUCTION AND

many noble examples of the opposite virtues and ol other qualities of a very high order. His conduc. on the occasion of the shipwreck near the Maldive Islands has been already described ; the clemency with which he tempered justice when he put down the mutiny in Port St. Julian — a mutiny which Sebastian Alvarez, the King of Portugal's agent, would appear to have been privy to, if indeed he did not prepare it, shows great self-restraint, and the whole of his con- duct in the islands of Sebu and Matan, where he fel) defending* the retreat of his companions, is more lik that of the knights errant of an earlier date, than thQ of his contemporaries. Pigafetta, who was with hid at his death, was deeply affected by it, and recouni his many virtues and qualities in an appeal to th Grand Master of Ehodes not to allow Magellan memory to be lost. i

Most of the captains of ships at this time, and long afterwards, were soldiers put into naval commands ; but Magellan, besides being a military officer, v; is also an experienced and learned navigator, and Pi^ a- fetta's Treatise of Navigation may be taken as i le result of Magellan's instruction in that art.^ T le

^ A fuller treatise of navigation, as then practised, is contaii id in a book written by Francisco Faleiro, probably a brother of R ly Faleiro, thus described by Barbosa Machado, in his Bihliot^a Lusitana: — "Francisco Faleiro, "who was equally well versed in astronomy and navigation, gave a clear statement of his science in those arts in the following work : Tratado de la Esfera y del Arte de Marear, con el Regimento de las Alturas. Sevilla, por Juan Cronberger, 1535. 4to." This book is very rare ; there is a copy in the Hydrographer's office at Madrid. ;

LIFE OF MAGELLA^^ xlix

voyage of Columbus, wliich employed only thirty- three days out and twenty-eight homeward>bound, cannot be compared with that of Magellan, and if Columbus was as good a seaman and navigator as Magellan, yet a certain superiority must be allowed to the latter on account of his numerous military ex- ploits in India and Africa.

I have not been able to ascertain who was Juan Serrano, who remained in the hands of the Sebu islanders after the massacre of Duarte Barbosa and his companions, and in Navarrete he is sometimes spoken of as an inhabitant of Seville and sometimes as a Portuguese. Pigafetta speaks of him as a Spaniard, but the despatch of Sebastian Alvarez leaves no doubt as to his being Portuguese, which otherwise might have been inferred from his being a compadre of Joan Carvalho. It is probable that he was a relation of Francisco Serrano, the friend and correspondent of Magellan, who died in Ternate about eight months before the arrival at Tidore of Magellan's ships : it is also probable that he was the same Juan Serrano whose voyage with Francisco Serrano in 1512 from Malacca to the Java Seas is related in the book of Duarte Barbosa on the coasts of East Africa and Malabar (Hakluyt Society).

Sebastian de Elcano, a native of Guetaria in Biscay, had the good fortune to be in command of the Victoria on her return to Seville, and though his name is not mentioned during the voyage in any of the narratives, he reaped the principal rewards of the expedition, and on his arrival at Court, received from

e

1 INTEODUCTION AND

Charles V a pension of five hundred gold crowns, and was authorised to take for arms a globe, with the motto "Primus me circumdedisti". Amongst other sonnets to his memory, are the following :

Por tierra y por mar profundo Con iman j derrotero, Un Vascongado, el primero Dio la vuelta a todo el mundo.

Conchita.

Entraba en el breado y hueco pino, Tomando el diilce y suspirado puerto, Juan Sebastian del Cano, Vizcaino, Piloto de este mundo el mas esperto, Despues de haber andado en su camino Cuanto del mar se halla descubierto, En una nave dicha la Victoria : Hazana digna de inmortal memoria,

Mosqitera.

This volume contains six contemporary accounts of Magellan's voyage for the circumnavigation of the globe : one was written by a Genoese pilot of the fleet ; the second by a Portuguese companion of Duarte Barbosa, which has been preserved by Eamusio ; the third by Antonio Pigafetta of Vicenza ; and the fourth is a letter of Maximilian Transylvauus, a Secretary of the Emperor Charles V ; the fifth a log book of a pilot named Francisco Albo or Alvaro ; the sixth is taken from Caspar Correa's Lendas da India.

Of Pigafetta's account, four manuscripts are known, three of them are in French, and one in Italian. Two of the French manuscripts are in the Biblio- theque Imperiale of Paris ; one of these, numbered

LIFE OF MAGELLAN. U

5,650, is on paper ; tlie otlier, numbered 68, of the Lavalliere collection, is on vellum, and is richly illuminated ; it does not contain the Brazilian and Patagonian vocabularies given in No. 5,650, and some rather indecent details are omitted or softened down, which leads to the conclusion that this copy was the one presented by Pigafetta to the Eegent, Louise of Savoy. The third French manuscript, and the most complete, was in the possession of M. Beaupre of Nancy till 1855, it then passed into the Solar collection, and in 1861 was sold for 1,650 francs to a London book- seller, and, later, was bought by Sir Thomas Phiilipps at Libri's sale.

M. Ed. Thomassy published a memoir in the Bul- letin de la Societe de Geographie of Paris, September 1843, in which he examines the question whether Piga- fetta composed his account of his voyage in French. He has come to a conclusion (which M. Ferdinand Denis has also adopted) in favour of the French manu- script having been originally composed by Pigafetta., and not translated from the Italian, on the grounds of its being addressed to the grand master of Ehodes, Villiers de ITle-Adam, who was himself a Frenchman, and that Pigafetta had recently been made a Knight of Ehodes ; and that Pigafetta used the French language for the device which he set up over his paternal house in the street of la Luna in Vicenza, " II n'y a pas de roses sans epines"; that other Italians of the time had written in French ; that the Italian MS. of the Am- brosian Library of Milan, published in 1800 by Amo- retti, is in bad Italian, mixed with Venetian and

lii INTRODUCTION AND

Spanish, so that M. Amoretti saw in it rather a copy than the original of the relation presented to the Pope or to the Grand Master; these defects M. Amoretti removed by translating them into good Italian : also that the French edition of Fabre, thouo;h stated to be a translation from the Italian, was used in 1536 to publish an Italian edition ; whereas if an Italian edition had existed before, that of Fabre would not have been required. Fabre's edition, moreover, is very imperfect; and he puts what Pigafetta says in the third person. M. Thomassy concludes, therefore, that the version of Fabre was made from some Italian resume.

In addition to the motives urged by M. Thomassy for believing that Pigafetta himself composed the French manuscripts, there is evidence of it in the phraseology of the MSS. ; had these been translations from the Italian, every word would have been trans- lated into French, whereas, instead of that, we find a great many Italian words used, especially in the voca- bularies, also some Italian idioms. It was natural that Pigafetta, if he had not the French word at command, should write down an Italian one, such as "calcagno" for " talon '.

For the same reason, I should be inclined to believe that the Ambrosian MS., with its mixture of Spanish words, was composed by Pigafetta himself, in whom such a mixture of words would be more natural after so long a voyage in a Spanish ship, than in an Italian scribe.

That Pigafetta did compose a work in Italian appears

LIFE OF MAGELLAN. liii

from a document in the archives of Venice, containing a petition of Pigafetta to the Doge and Council of Venice, dated August 5th, 1524, applying for leave to print his account of his circumnavigation of the globe, and to have a privilege for twenty years. This is fol- lowed by a statement that the prayer of the petition was granted by the Doge and 152 of the Council, six members of which voted against Pigafetta, The text of this document is given in the Appendix ; it was communicated to me by the Geographical Society of Paris, w^hich has published a translation of it in its bulletin of February 1869.

Until M. Amoretti published his edition of Pigafetta from the Ambrosian MS. in 1800, there never was a complete or an original Italian edition of Pigafetta ; for the quarto edition of 1536 (Grenville, 6,977), without name of author or printer, is, as is mentioned in the address to the reader, a translation from the edition of Jacques Fabre. This edition of 1536 had a privilege for fourteen years ; it must be by Eamusio, for the address to the reader is almost the same as his more abridged "discourse" in his collection of travels of Venice, 1550, and Venice, 1613, folio, 346 v. In Piamusio's collection, and in the edition of 1536, Piga- fetta's voyage is preceded by the letter of Maximilian Transylvanus, Secretary of the Emperor Charles V, to the Cardinal of Salzburg. This letter of Maximilian's is not quite the same in the two books in the division of the paragraphs ; in Pigafetta's voyage there is greater similarity, and the paragraphs are numbered

liv INTEODUCTION AND

identically in tlie edition of 1536 and inFabre's French edition. Kamusio says :

'^Magellan's voyage was written, with details, by Don Pietro MartirOj of tlie Council of tlie Indies of the Empe- ror, and that he had examined all those who had survived tlie voyage, and returned to Seville in tlie year 1522 ; but, having sent it to be printed at Rome, in tlie miserable sack of that town it was lost, and it is not yet known where it is. One who saw it and read it gives testimony of it, and amongst the other things worthy of recollection which the above-named Don Pietro noted in this voyage, was that the Spaniards having navigated about three years and a month, and the greater part of them (as is the custom of those who navigate on the ocean) having noted down each day of each, month, when they rejoined Spain they found they had lost one day ; that is, when they reached the port of Seville, which was on the 7th of September, by the account which they had kept it was the 6th. Don Pietro having related this particularity to an excellent and rare man, Sig. Gasparo Contarino,^ a Venetian senator, who was then in Spain as ambassador to his Majesty from his Republic, and having asked him how it could be, he, as a very great philosopher, shewed him that it could not be otherwise, as they had navigated three years, always accompanying the sun, which was going westwards ; and he said that the ancients had observed that those who navigated to the west greatly lengthened their day,^'

This book of Don Pietro's having been lost, says Ramusio, he thought of translating the Latin letter of Maximilian, and of adding to it the summary of a book which was written by the valiant knight of Rhodes, Messer Antonio Pigafetta, a Vicentine ; and this said book was abridged and translated into French by a

1 This name is omitted in the prologue of the edition of 1536.

LIFE OF MAGELLAN. Iv

very learned philosopher, named Messer Jacopo Fabri, of Paris, at the instance of the most serene mother of the most Christain King Francis, Madame Louisa the Eegent, to whom the aforesaid knight had made a pre- sent of one [of his books].

This French epitome by Fabre is a small octavo of seventy-six leaves, in Gothic type (Grenville, 7,065) ; it is without date ; the title is as follows :

" Le Yoyage et IsTavigation^ faict par les Espaignolz es Isles de Mollucques, des isles quilz ont trouue audict voyage, des Eoys dicelles, de leur gouuernment T: maniere de viure, auec plusieurs aultres choses.

''Cum Priuilegio, S[ on les vend a Paris en la maison de Simon de Colines^ libraire iure de luniuersite de Paris, de- meurat en la rue sainct Jehan de Beauluais, a lenseigne du Soleil Dor.'^

iSimon de Colines, the printer, issued his last work in 1546, and his heirs are mentioned on a work of 1550.^

In 1801, a French translation of Amoretti's edition of Pigafetta was published by H. J. Jansen, who added a translation from the German of M. de Murr's Notice on the Chevalier M. Behaim. In this translation, some liberties have been taken with the text ; and it is to be regretted that this translation was published instead of the French text contained in the two MSS. of the Bibliotheque Imperiale ; these, even were they not Pigafetta's own composition, possess a philological interest of their own.

An English translation of Pigafetta by Kichard

1 Greswell, A View of the Early Parisian Greek Press, vol. i, p. 94.

Ivi INTRODUCTION AND

Wren, London, 1625, is mentioned in rArt de Verifier les Dates, depuis 1770, folio, vol. iii, p. 333. There is no copy of this in the British Museum Library.

The other contemporaneous account of Magellan's voyage, a translation of which precedes that of Piga- fetta's account, is by a Genoese pilot. This pilot pro- bably was named Mestre Bautista, since Barros men- tions him as a Genoese who, on the death of the pilot Joan Carvalho, was charged with piloting the Trinidad, which got as far as Ternate, Correa (tom. ii, p. 632) also mentions that Mestre Joan Bautista was made captain instead of Carvalho, after he had allowed the son of the King of Luzon* to escape at Borneo. Of this account, three manuscripts exist ; all three are in Portuguese. From two of these MSS. a printed edition was published in the Noticias Ultramarinas, No. II, by the Academy of History of Lisbon. The text which served for this publication was a MS. which belonged to the library of the monks of S. Bento da Saude ; and it has been supplemented and annotated from another manuscript, which is in the Bibliotheque Imperiale at Paris, numbered ^, a copy of which was made by Dr. Antonio Nunes de Car- valho in 1831. A third manuscript of this pilot's narrative exists in the library of the Academy of History of Madrid, No. 30, Est. 11a, grada 2a.

After the Genoese pilot's narrative follows that of an anonymous Portuguese taken from Eamusio.

The letter of Maximilian, the Transylvanian, follows Pigafetta's account ; this has been translated from the Latin by Mr. James Baynes, of the Printed Book

LIFE OF MAGELLAN. . Ivii

Department of the British Museum. After that comes the log-book of Francisco Albo or Alvaro, translated from a MS. in the British Museum, which is a copy from a document in Simancas. This log-book has been printed, in Navarrete's collection, apparently from the British Museum MS., and it appears to have escaped the notice of Captain Burney. It is especially valuable because it helps to fix the position of the "Unfortunate Islands", and because it establishes that the Island of Amsterdam in the Southern Indian Ocean to the North of St. Paul's Island, the discovery of which is usually attributed to the Dutch navigator Vlaming, in 1696, was discovered March 18th, 1522, by the Victoria, the first ship which went round the world.

There is a confusion as to the names of these two islands, which are rightly named in the Admiralty and other sea charts, but which are wrongly named in common English maps, which place St. Paul to the north of Amsterdam. The southern island is bare and arid, and the northern island has bushes and a high peak visible eighteen or twenty leagues off. Francisco Albo says this Island had no trees ; but the Victoria may not have approached near enough to see the bushes, which, from the views of the island, appear to be near its base ; it is clear that the Victoria ap- proached the northern island, or Amsterdam, because not only does the latitude given by F. Albo differ from that of modern observation by only eight miles, but also because from the course steered by the Victoria on leaving this island, she must have sighted the

f

Iviii . INTRODUCTION.

northern island had the one discovered by her been the southern one. Phites are given of these two islands, taken from Valentyn's Dutch work on the East Indies. A French Geographical Dictionary sets np a claim to these islands as belonging to the government of the Isle of France or Mauritius ; it does not say on what grounds ; but if ever they were dependencies of Mau- ritius, they- will have passed with that island into the possession of Great Britain.

Correa's narrative contains two details not given in any of the other accounts, viz., the warning given to Magellan at Tenerife by Diogo Barbosa of the intended mutiny ; and the incident of the Portuguese ship speaking the Victoria off the Cape of Good Hope. Correa's having been in India at the time, and relating what he heard from the Portuguese, would account for his misplacing the death of Magellan as having hap- pened at the same time as that of Duarte Barbosa. His narrative also contains additional evidence of the violent animosity of the Portuguese against Magellan, though he himself is more favourable than other Por- tuguese historians to him who is one of the most re- nowned of their countrymen, as he undoubtedly is the greatest of ancient and modern navigators.

September 1874.

CHRONOLOGY

FIRST VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.

Magellan arrives at Seville - - October 20, 1518

Magellan's fleet sails from Seville Monday,^ August 10, 1519

Magellan sails from San Lucar de Barrameda,

Tuesday, September 20, „

„ arrives at Tenerife - - September 26, „

„ sails from Tenerife - Monday, October 3, „

,, arrives at Rio de Janeiro - December 1 3, „

,, sails from Rio - - December 26, ,,

,, sails from Rio de la Plata - February 2, 1520

,, arrives at Port St. Julian - March 31, ,,

Eclipse of San _ _ . April 17, „

Loss of Santiago

Magellan sails from Port St. Julian - August 24, „

„ sails from river of Santa Cruz - October 18, ,,

,, makes Cape of the Virgins, entrance

of Straits - - - October 21, „

Desertion of San Antonio - - November „

Magellan issues from Straits into the Pacific,

Wednesday, November 28, „

^ The 10th of August was a Wednesday, and Monday was the 8th of August : all the other dates of the week and month agree and are consistent with each other.

Ix CHRONOLOGY.

Magellan fetches San Pablo Island - January 24, 1521

„ fetches Tiburones Island - February 4, „

„ reaches the Ladrone Islands,

Wednesday, March 6, „

„ reaches Samar Island of the Philip- pines - - Saturday, March 16, „

„ reaches Mazzava Island, Thursday, March 28, „

„ arrives at Sebu Island - - April 7, „

Death of Magellan at Matan - Saturday, April 27, „

Burning of Conception - - May, „

Arri'pal of San Antonio at Seville - May 6, „

Arrival of Victoria and Trinity at Tidore,

Friday, ISTovember 8, „

Victoria sails from Tidore - - December 21, „

discovers Amsterdam Island, Tues- day, March' 18, 1522

doubles the Cape of Good Hope - May 18,^ „

arrives at Cape Verde Islands,

Wednesday,^ July 9, „

arrives at San Lucar Saturday,^ September 6, „

casts anchor at Seville - Monday,^ September 8, „

Thanksgiving at Church of Our Lady of

Victory - Tuesday,^ September 9, „

^ According to Albo's Log-Book ; according to Pigafetta, May 6, 2 These dates are according to the ship's time, which differed by a day from the time at the Cape Verde Islands and Seville.

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NAVIGATION AND VOYAGE WHICH FERNANDO DE MAGALHABS MADE FEOM SEVILLE TO MALUCO IN THE YEAR 1519.

(by a GENOESE PILOT.)

He sailed from Seville on tlie lOth day of August of the said jesbY, and remained at tlie bar until tlie 21st day of Septem- ber, and as soon as he got ontsidoj he steered to the south- west to make the island of Tenerife, and they reached the said island on the day of St. Michael, which was the 29th of September.^ Thence he made his course to fetch the Cape Verde islands, and they passed between the islands and the Cape without sighting either the one or the other. Having got as far as this neighbourhood, he shaped his course so as to make for Brazil, and as soon as they sighted the other coast of Brazil, he steered to the south-east^ along the coast as far as Cabo-frio, which is in twenty-three degrees south latitude ; and from this cape he steered to the west, a matter of thirty leagues, to make the Rio de Janeiro, which is in the same latitude as Cabo-frio, and they entered the said Rio on the day of St. Lucy, which was the 13th December, in which place they took in wood, and they remained there until the first octave of Christmas, which was the 26th of December of the same year.

■* Pigafetta says the fleet went out of Seville on the 10th of August, 1519 ; that it sailed from S. Lucar on the 20th of September, and reached Tenerife on the 26th, and continued its voyage thence on the 3rd of October, navigating to the South. Lisbon Academy note.

2 The Paris MS. has " south-west." This must be the true reading Lishon Ac. note. The Madrid MS. also has south-west.

B

2 , NAVIGATION AND VOYAGE OF

( . ; ; '

They sailed from this Bio de Janeiro on the 26th Decem- ber^ and navigated along the coast to make the Cape of St. Marjj which is in thirty-four degrees and two-thirds ; as soon as they sighted it^ they made their course west-north- west, thinking they would find a passage for their voyage, and they found that they had got into a great river of fresh water, to which they gave the name of river of St. Christopher, and it is in thirty-four degrees, and they remained in it till the 2nd of February, 1520.1

He sailed from this river of St. Christopher on the 2nd of the said month of February ; they navigated along the said coast, and further on to the south they -discovered a point which is in the same river more to the south, to which they gave the name of Point St. Antony ; it is in thirty-six de- grees, hence they ran to the south-west, a matter of twenty- five leagues, and made another cape which they named Cape St. Apelonia, which is in thirty-six degrees ; thence they navigated to the west-south-west to some shoals,^ which they named Shoals of the Currents, which are in thirty-nine degrees ; and thence they navigated out to sea, and lost sight of land for a matter of two or three days, when they again made for the land, and they came to a bay, which they entered, and ran within it the whole day, thinking that there was an outlet for Maluco, and when night came they found that it was quite closed up, and in the same night they again stood out by the way which they had come in. This bay is in thirty-four degrees j^ they name it the island* of St. Matthew. They navigated from this island of St.

' Pigafetta mentions this river, wMch is the Plata, in 34 deg. 20 min. Lisbon Ac. note.

2 Paris MS. " And tliey found themselves amongst some shoals." Lisbon Ac. note. The Madrid MS. is the same.

3 Paris MS. " is in 24 degrees," -which seems clearly an error of the copyists. Lisbon Ac. oiote. The Madrid MS. is in this case similar to the Paris MS.

■• Paris MS. " the bay." Lisbon Ac. note. Madrid MS. " the bay."

FERNANDO DE MAGALHAES. 6

Matthew along the coast until they reached another bay, where they caught many sea- wolves and birds; to this they gave the name of " Bay of Labours -/'^ it is in thirty-seven degrees ; here they were near losing the flag-ship in a storm. Thence they navigated along the said coast^ and arrived on the last day of March of the year 1520 at the Port of St. Julian^ which is in forty -nine and one-third de- grees^^ and here they winteredj and found the day a little more or less than seven hours.^

In this port three of the ships rose up against the Captain- major^ their captains saying that they intended to take him. to Castile in arrest_, as he was taking them all to destruction. Here, through the exertions of the said Captain-major_, and the assistance and favour of the foreigners whom he carried with him, the Captain-major went to the said three ships which were already mentioned, and there the captain of one of them was killed, who was treasurer of the whole fleet, and named Luis de Mendoca ; he was killed in his own ship* by stabs with a dagger by the chief constable of the fleet, who was sent to do this by Fernando de Magalhaes in a boat with certain men. The said three ships having thus been recovered, five days later Fernando de Magalhaes ordered Caspar de Queixada to be decapitated and quartered ; he was captain of one of the ships,^ and was one of those who had mutinied.

In this port they refitted the ship. Here the captain- major made Alvaro de Mesquita, a Portuguese,^ captain of

^ We have not f oimd mention of this name of ' ' Bahia dos trabalhos" in any other writer. Lisbon Ac. note.

2 Pigafetta puts this port in 49 deg. 30 min. The Transylvan in 49 and -J ; Barros in 50 deg., and says they arrived there on the 2ud of April. Lisbon Ac. note.

3 Paris MS. " eight hours." Lisbon Ac. note. The Madrid MS. has " seven hours."

* The ship Victoria. ' The ship Conception.

* Alvaro de Mesquita was a cousin of Magellan.

B 2

NAVIGATION AND VOYAGE OF

one of tile sMps the captain of whicli had been killed. There sailed from this port on the 24th of August four ships^ for the smallest of the ships had been already lost j^ he had sent it to reconnoitre, and the weather had been heavy, and had cast it ashore, where all the crew had been recovered along with the merchandise, artillery and fittings of the ship. They remained in this port, in which they wintered, five months and twenty-four days,^ and they were seventy degrees less ten minutes to the southward.^

They sailed on the 24th day of the month of August of the said year from this port of St. Julian and navigated a matter of twenty leagues along the coast, and so they entered a river which was called Santa Cruz, which is in fifty degrees,^ where they took in goods and as much as they could obtain : the crew of the lost ship were already distributed among the other ships, for they had returned by land to where Fernando de Magalhaes was, and they continued collecting the goods which had remained there during August and up to the 1 8th September, and there they took in water and much fish which they caught in this river; and in the other, where

^ The sliip wliicli was here lost was the Santiago^ the captain of which was Joao Serrao. Lisbon Ac. note.

^ There seems to be some mistake here or transcriber's error. It is seen by the narrative that the navigators, having arrived at Port St. Julian at the end of March, or beginning of April, and going out of it on the 24th of August, they wintered there for the space of four months and twenty- four days, and this is what Pigafetta says : "they passed there nearly five months." Lisbon Ac. note.

3 "E havia delles ao sull 73 gr. menos 10 minutos." It has been impossible for us to understand the calculations of the writer in this place. Lisbon Ac. note. A possible explanation of this passage may be found in a passage of Castanheda, lib. 6, cap. 13, which describes St. Julian as distant from Seville 71 deg. from North to South, and this calculation would refer to the distance from Seville.

* The anonymous Portuguese, the companion of Duarte Barbosa, says they gave it the name of " Santa Cruz," because they arrived there the 14th of September, the day of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross. Lisbon Ac. note.

FERNANDO DE MAGALHAES. 5

they wintered, there were people like savages, and the men are from nine to ten spans in height, very well made ; they have not got houses, they only go about from one place to another with their flocks, and eat meat nearly raw : they are all of them archers and kill many animals with arrows, and with the skins they make clothes, that is to say, they make the skins very supple, and fashion them after the shape of the body, as well as they can, then they cover themselves with them, and fasten them by a belt round the waist. When they do not wish to be clothed from the waist up- wards, they let that half fall which is above the waist, and the garment remains hanging down from the belt which they have girt round them.^ They wear shoes which cover them four inches above the ankle, full of straw inside to keep their feet warm. They do not possess any iron, nor any other ingenuity of weapons, only they make the points of their arrows with flints, and so also the knives with which they cut, and the adze and awls with which they cut and stitch their shoes and clothes. They are very agile people, and do no harm, and thus they follow their flocks : wherever night finds them there they sleep ; they carry their wives along with them with all the chattels which they possess. The women are very small and carry heavy burdens on their backs ; they wear shoes and clothes just like the men. Of these men they obtained three or four and brought them in the ships, and they all died except one, who went to Castile in a ship which went thither.^

They sailed from this river of Santa Cruz on the 18th of October f they continued navigating along the coast until

1 In the Illustrated News of March 27th, 1869, there is a dra-wing of some PatagoniaDs : these are represented almost exactly as they are de- scribed in the text, for some of them have their shoulders bare, and the skins let down below the waist as here described.

2 Probably in the ship which fled away, as will be mentioned later. Lisbon Ac. note.

3 Amoretti, the editor of Pigafetta, observes, that whilst the fleet was in the river of Santa Cruz, between 50 deg. and 40 deg. South latitude,

6 NAVIGATION AND VOYAGE OF

the 21st day of the same month, October, when they dis- covered a cape, to which they gave the name of Cape of the Virgins, because they sighted it on the day of the eleven thousand virgins ; it is in fifty-two degrees, a little more or less, and from this cape a matter of two or three leagues distance, we found ourselves at the mouth of a strait.-*- We sailed along the said coast within that strait which they had reached the mouth of: they entered in it a little and anchored. Fernando de Magalhaes sent to discover what there was further in, and they found three channels, that is to say, two more in a southerly direction, and one traversing the country in the direction of Maluco, but at that time

there was, on the 11th of October, an eclipse of the Sun, " which (he says) the Portuguese and Spanish writers mention, and tuhich is registered in the astronomical tables ;" and he judges it to be an error of Castan- heda putting this phenomenon on the 17th of April, and his attributing to Magellan the calculation of longitude of -which he speaks. Barros also mentions an eclipse of the sun in April. It is noteworthy that neither our pilot's narrative nor Pigaf etta mentions a phenomenon which still in those times did not happen without causing some impression on men's minds, or at least without exciting public curiosity. Lisbon Ac. note.

I am indebted to the courtesy of the Astronomer Royal, Mr. G. B. Airy, for the following information, which confirms Castanheda and Barros : " 1520, April 17. There was certainly (from oiu- own calcula- tions) a total solar eclipse about 1.20 p.m. Greenwich time. But in the Art de verifier les dates, in which the extreme Southern eclipses are not included, none is mentioned for April 17 : consequently the eclipse was a Southern eclipse, crossing the South Atlantic."

'■ This is the famous strait which till this day is named the Strait of Magellan, for the eternal and glorious memory of the famous Portuguese who discovered it. Castanheda says that Magellan, on account of arriving there on the 1st of November, gave it the name of All Saints' bay, and in the answer which Andre de S. Martin gave to the inquiries made to him about that navigation, he also names the channel that of All Saints' (Barros, Dec. 3, liv. 5, cap. 9). The anonymous Portuguese, the companion of Duarte Barbosa, whom we have quoted above, and who sailed in the " Victoria," says that at first the navigators called it the Strait of the Victoria, because that ship was the first which sighted it. (Ramusio, 3rd edition, torn. i. page 870). Lisbon Ac. note.

PEENAKDO DE MAGALHAES. 7

tliis was not yet known^ only the three mouths were seen. The boats went thither^ and brought back word^ and they set sail and anchored at these mouths of the channels^ and Fernando de Magalhaes sent two ships to learn what there was within^ and these ships went : one returned to the Captain-major, and the other, of which Alvaro de Mesquita was captain, entered into one of the bays which was to the south, and did not return any more. Fernan de Magalhaes seeing that it did not come back, set sail,^ and the next day he did not choose to make for the bays, and went to the south, and took another which runs north-west and south-east, and a quarter west and east. He left letters in the place from which he sailed, so that if the other ship returned, it might make the course which he left prescribed. After this they entered into the channel, which at some places has a width of three leagues, and two, and one, and in some places half a league, and he went through it asloug as it was daylight, and anchored when it was night : and he sent the boats, and the ships went after the boats, and they brought news that there was an outlet, for they already saw the great sea on the other side ; on which account Fernando

'' Alvaro de Mesquita, a Portuguese, and cousin of Magellan, was captain of this ship which went to explore the passages of the Straits, and did not return, and its pilot was Estevan Gomes, also a Portuguese. This Estevan Gomes had been requesting the Emperor Charles V. to confide to him a few caravels to go and discover new lands ; but as the proposal and enterprise of Mazellan then interposed itself, and was pre- ferred and accepted, Estevan Gomes continued after that to be a great enemy of the illustrious captain, and now profited by the opportunity to revenge himself on him, and to give vent to his rabid envy. He con- spired, therefore, with others against the captain of his ship, Alvaro de Mesquita ; they put him in irons, and brought him thus to Spain with the ship, telling the Emperor that Magellan was crazy ^ and had lied to His Majesty, because he did not know where Banda was, nor Maluco. Besides this, they brought accusations against Mesquita of having coun- selled and persuaded Magellan to use the severity and cruelty with which he punished the first conspirators, etc. (V. the Letter of Transylvauus and Castanheda, liv. 6, cap. 8). Lisbon Ac, note.

O NAVIGATION AND VOYAGE OP

de Magalhaes ordered mucli artillery to be fired for rejoicing' ;^ and before they went fortb from tbis strait tbey found two islands^ tbe first one larger, and tbe other nearer towards the outlet is the smaller one : and they went out between these islands and the coast on the southern side_, as it was deeper than on the other side. This strait is a hundred leagues in length to the outlet ; that outlet and the entrance are in fifty-two degrees latitude.^ They made a stay in this strait from the 21st October to the 26th of November/

1 The ships S. Antonio and Co7iception were sent on this exploration of the Straits ; they were with difficulty able to double the Cape Pos- session, named thus in Bougainville's map, and in others. They at length entered a narrow opening, which in the maps is named the first gut, and they proceeded thence to another bay, which is named Boucant bay, or Boucam. At the end of this they entered into another strait, named the second gut, and having passed that, they came out into another bay larger than the former ones. Then, seeing that the strait was pro- longed and offered an outlet to the ships, they returned with the good news to Magellan, who was waiting for them, and on seeing him, they fired off all their artillery and shouted for joy. The fleet then sailed together as far as the third bay, and as they found two channels, Magellan desj)atched the two vessels, S. Antonio and Conception, to examine whether the channel, which took the S.W. direction, would issue into the Pacific sea. Here it was that the ship S. Antonio deserted, going ahead of its companion for that purpose. The other two ships,

Victoria and Trinity, meanwhile entered the third channel, where they waited four days for the explorers. During this interval, Magellan despatched a well equipped boat to discover the cape with which the strait ought to terminate : this having been sighted, and the boat return- ing with the news, aU shed tears of consolation, and they gave to this cape the name of Cape Desire ; it is that which is at the outlet of the strait on the South side. They then turned back to seek for the ships Conception and S. Antonio, and leaving marks by which this one might steer, in case of its having lost the way (for they were still ignorant of its desertion), they sailed forward until they came out into the Pacific Ocean. Lisbon Ac. note.

2 The Paris Manuscript has " fully in 52 degrees." Lisbon Ac. note.

3 Pigafetta remarks : In the strait in which they were, in the month of October, the night was only of three hours ; and Transylvan says that, in November the navigators found the night of little more than five hours ; and that on one night they saw to the left hand many fires. It

FERNANDO DE MAGALHAES. 9

whicli makes thirtj-six days of the said year of 1520^ and as soon as tliey went out from the strait to sea^ they made their course^ for the most part^ to west-north-west^ when they found that their needles varied to the north-west almost two-fourthsj and after they had navigated thus for many days^ they found an island in a little more or less than eighteen degrees^ or nineteen degrees_, and also another, which was in from thirteen to fourteen degrees, and this in south latitude ;^ they are uninhabited. They ran on until they reached the line, when Fernan de Magalhaes said that now they were in the neighbourhood of Maluco, as he had in- formation that there were no provisions at Maluco,he said that he would go in a northerly direction as far as ten or twelve degrees, and they reached to as far as thirteen degrees north, and in this latitude they navigated to the west, and a quarter south-west, a matter of a hundred leagues, where on the 6th of March, 1521, they fetched two islands in- habited by many people, and they anchored at one of them, which is in twelve degrees north ; and the inhabitants are people of little truth, and they did not take precautions against them until they saw that they were taking away the skiff of the flagship, and they cut the rope with which it was made fast, and took it ashore without their being able to prevent it. They gave this island the name of Thieves* Island (dos ladroesj .^

is from this that that country came to be called Terra dofocjo. Lisbon Ac. note.

1 The Paris MS. has, and also others which were, &c. Pigafetta places these two islands in 15 deg. and 9 deg. South latitude. See Amoretti's note, p. 45, upon their situation, in which he supposes them to be in the archipelago of the Society Islands. In some maps they are designated by the name of Infortunadas. Lisbon Ac. note.

^ Some writers remark that Magellan gave to these islands the name of lllias das velas., on account of the many vessels with sails which he observed in that neighbourhood. But they continued to be commonly called Ladrones ; later they took the name of Mariannas, in honour of the Queen D. Marianna of Austria, widow of Philip IV, and Regent daring the minority of D. Carlos II. of Castile. Lisbon Ac. note.

10 NAVIGATION AND VOYAGE OF

Fernando de Magalhiies seeing that the skiff was lost, set sail, as it was already night, tacking about until the next day ; as soon as it was morning they anchored at the place where they had seen the skiff carried off to, and he ordered two boats to be got ready with a matter of fifty or sixty men, and he went ashore in person, and burned the whole village, and they killed seven or eight persons, between men and women, and recovered the skiff, and returned to the ships ', and while they were there they saw forty or fifty paros-^ come, which came from the same land, and brought much refreshments.^

Fernan de Magalhaes would not make any further stay, and at once set sail, and ordered the course to be steered west, and a quarter south-west; and so they made land, which is in barely eleven degrees. This land is an island, but he would not touch at this one, and they went to touch at another further on which appeared first.^ Fernando de Magalhaes sent a boat ashore to observe the nature of the island ; when the boat reached land, they saw from the ships two pardos come out from behind the point; then they called back their boat. The people of the paraos seeing that the boat was returning to the ships, turned back the paraos, and the boat reached the ships, which at once set sail for another island very near to this island, which is in ten degrees, and they gave it the name of the island of Good Signs, because they found some gold in it.* Whilst

> Pards : so our manuscripts always write it. In the edition of Piga- fetta it is constantly written praos. It is the same kind of vessel that our writers of the affairs of Asia name parad^ which is of various sizes, and is much used in the South Sea Islands. Pigafetta says it is a kind of fusta or galliot. Lisbon Ac. note.

2 The Paris manuscript has "much refreshments of fruit." Lisbon Ac. note.

3 " A primeira ;" the Paris manuscript has "daprimeira ;" this means, which was first sighted. See the Relation of Pigafetta., Amoretti, p. S-i, March 16, 1521. Lisbon Ac. note.

* Pigafetta says: "We named the watering place of Good Signs,

PERNAKDO DE MAGALHAES. 11

they were tlius anchored at this island^ there came to them, two paraos, and brought them fowls and cocoa nuts, and told them that thej had already seen there other men like them, from which they presumed that these might be Lequios ox Mogores-^ a nation of people who have this name, or OJiiisf and thence they set sail, and navigated further on amongst many islands, to which they gave the name of the Valley IVithoiit Peril, and also St. Lazarus,^ and they ran on to another island twenty leagues from that'^ from which they sailed, which is in ten degrees,^ and came to anchor at another island, which is named Macangor,^ which is in nine degrees ; and in this island they were very well received, and they placed a cross in it.'^ This king conducted them thence a matter of thirty leagues to another island named Cabo,^

because here Ave found two springs of excellent water, and the first signs of there being gold in the country." Lisbon Ac. note. ^ Paris MS. Guoroos. Lisbon Ac. note,

2 Paris, "Chinas."

3 Paris MS. : "To which they gave the name of Archijoelago of St. Lazarus." We suspect there is some error of the copyist here in our text, not only on account of the novelty of the name Vail Sem Periguo, but also on account of its impropriety. The Paris MS. says simply Archipelago of St. Lazarus. Pigafetta also says, "They gave the name of Archipelago of St. Lazarus," as they arrived there on the 5th Sunday of Lent, which is named of Lazarus. Now, these islands are named Philip- pines, which was given them in the year 1642, in honour of D. Phihp of Austria, son of Charles V", and afterwards King of Castile. They are between 225 deg. and 235 deg. W. long, of Ferro, consequently between 195 deg. and 205 deg. from the line of demarcation. Lisbon Ac. 7iote.

* Paris MS. ; " They ran a matter of 25 leagues from that."

s Madrid MS., 9 degrees.

6 Paris MS., Ma9aguoa. Madrid MS., Maquamguoa.

' It appears this cross was set up in the island of Massana, where Mass was celebrated on the last day of March, which in this year was Easter Sunday. The island is set down by Pigafetta in 9 deg. 40 min., and the editor puts it in 192 deg. "VV. long, from the line of demarcation.

^ This island, which is named and written Cabo in bothMSS., is the island Zebu, one of the Philippines, which others write Cabu, Zabu, Subsuth, Zubut, Cubo, Subo, and Zubo, for it is found in all these forms in different writings. Lisbon Ac. note.

12 NAVIGATION AND VOYAGE 0¥

which is in ten degrees^ and in this island Fernando de Magalhaes did what he pleased with the consent of the conntry, and in one day eight hundred people became Christian^ on which account Fernan de Magalhaes desired that the other kings^ neighbours to this one^ should become subject to this who had become Christian: and these did not choose to yield such obedience. Fernan de Magalhaes seeing that^ got ready one night with his boats, and burned the villages of those who would not yield the said obedience;^ and a matter of ten or twelve days after this was done he sent to a village about half a league from that which he had burned, which is named Matam, and which is also an island, and ordered them to send him at once three goats, three pigs, three loads of rice, and three loads of millet for provisions for the ships; they replied that of each article which he sent to ask them three of, they would send to him by twos, and if he was satisfied with this they would at once comply, if not, it might be as he pleased, but that they would not give it. Because they did not choose to grant what he demanded of them, Fernan de Magalhaes ordered three boats to be equipped with a matter of fifty or sixty men,^ and went against the said place, which was on the 28th day of April, in the morning;^ there they found many people, who might well be as many as three thousand or four thousand men, who fought with such a good will that the said Fernan de Magalhaes was killed there, with sis of his men,* in the year 1521.

^ Paris MS. : " And burned a village of those who would not yield the said obedience." The narrative of Pigafetta states: "He burned twenty or thirty houses of the village," Lisbon Ac. note.

2 Pigafetta says: " We were 60 armed men, 48 went on shore with Magellan ; the 11 remained to guard the boats. Lisbon Ac. note.

3 Paris MS. : " And went against the said place, and it was on the 27th day of April." Pigafetta also places this event on the 27th of April, and observes that it was on Saturdxiy., which in truth took place that year on the 27th, and not on the 28th of April. Lisbon Ac. note.

1 Pigafetta says: " With eight of our men there perished four Indians

TEENANDO DE MAGALFAES. 13

When Fernan de Magalhaes was dead tlie Christians got back to the ships, where they thought fit to make two cap- tains and governors whom they should obey ;^ and having done this^ they took counsel [and decided] that the two cap- tains should go ashore where the people had turned Christians to ask for pilots to take them to Borneo, and this was on the first day of May of the said year; when the two captains went, being agreed upon what had been said, the same people of the country who had become Christians, armed themse Ives against them, and whilst they reached the shore let them land in security as they had done before. Then they attack ed them, and killed the two captains and twenty-six gentlemen,^ and the other people who remained got back to the boats, and returned to the ships, and finding themselves again with- out captains they agreed, inasmuch as the principal persons were killed, that one Joam Lopez,^ who was the chief trea- surer, should be captain-major of the fleet, and the chief

of those who had become Christians, and we had many wounded, I being one of them; of the enemy there fell only fifteen men." Lisbon Ac. note.

'■ Pigafetta says : "We then chose instead of the captain, Duarte Bar- bosa, a Portuguese, his relation, and John Serrano, a Spaniard. The first commanded the flagship."

2 Paris MS.: "They killed the two captains, and also 2Q men with them." It was on this occasion that Duarte Barbosa, a Portuguese, and brother-in-law of Magellan, was killed. He was one of the captains here mentioned. Some of our writers have said, or conjectured, that Duarte Barbosa was killed by poison ; but this is a mistake. The bar- barians, indeed, drew the Castilians ashore under the pretext of giving them a banquet, but it does not follow from that that they poisoned them. The Transylvan says : inter epulandum, ah iis^ qui in insidiis collocati fuerant, opprimuntur. Fit clamor undique : nuntiatur proti- nus in navihus nostras occisos. See Barros, 3, 5, 10. The other cap- tain, who was John Serrano, was not killed, but remained alive in the bands of the barbarians at the time the boats made off, because, not- withstanding the most mournful supplications which he made from the shore for rescue, Joan Lopes de Carvalho feared further treachery, and ordered the anchor to be weighed. Lisbon Ac. note.

^ Paris MS.: "One Yoam Lopez de Carvalho." Lisbon Ac. note.

14 NAVIGATION AND VOYAGE OP

constable of the fleet should be captain of one of the ships ; he was named Gronzalo Yaz Despinosa.^

Having done this they set sail^ and ran about twenty-five leagues with three ships_, which they still possessed ; they then mustered, and found that they were altogether one hundred and eight men^ in all these three ships, and many of them were wounded and sick, on which account they did not venture to navigate the three ships, and thought it would be well to burn one of them — the one that should be most suitable for that purpose^ — and to take into the two ships those that remained : this they did out at sea, out of sight of any land. While they did this many paraos came to speak to them ; and navigating amongst the islands, for in that neighbourhood there are a great many, they did not understand one another, for they had no interpreter, for he had been killed with Feman de Magalhaes. Sailing further on amongst islets they came to anchor at an island which is named Carpyam,* where there is gold enough, and this island is in fully eight degrees.

Whilst at anchor in this port of Capyam,* they had speech with the inhabitants of the island, and made peace with them, and Carvalho, who was captain-major, gave them the boat of the ship which had been burnt: this island has three^ islets in the offing ; here they took in some refreshments, and sailed further on to west south-west, and fell in with another island, which is named Caram, and is in eleven degrees ; from this they went on further to west south-west,^

1 Paris MS.: " Gonzalo Gomez Despinosa." Lisbon Ac. note.

^ Barros says 180 men, and this seems more probable, considering the number of the men who sailed in the fleet and of those who might then have been lost, and those who were lost later, and also of those who at last reached Ternate and Europe. Lisbon Ac. note. The Madrid MS. has 180 men, written in full, " Semte he oyteta homes."

* Pigafetta says they burned the ship Conception.

* Paris MS., " Quype." Lisbon Ac. note.

5 Paris MS. has "two islets." Lisbon Ac. note.

® Paris MS. : "which is named Cagujam, and is in seven degrees ;

I-EENANDO DE MAGALHAES. 15

and fell in with, a large island^ and ran along tlie coast of tliis island to the north-east^^ and reached as far as nine degrees and a half/ where they went ashore one day^ witli the boats equipped to seek for provisions^ for in the ships there was now not more than for eight days. On reaching shore the inhabitants would not suffer them to land^ and shot at them with arrows of cane hardened in the fire^ so that they returned to the ships.

Seeing thisj they agreed to go to another island^ where they had had some dealings, to see if they could get some provisions. Then they met with a contrary wind, and going about a league in the direction in which they wished to go, they anchored, and whilst at anchor they saw that people on shore were hailing them to go thither ; they went there with, the boats, and as they were speaking to those people by signs, for they did not understand each other otherwise, a man at arms, named Joam de Campos, told them to let him go on shore, since there were no provisions in the ships, and it might be that they would obtain some means of getting provisions ; and that if the people killed him, they would not lose much vnth him, for God would take thought of his soul ; and also if he found provisions, and if they did not kill him, he would find means for bringing them to the ships : and they thought well of this. So he went on shore, and as soon as he reached it, the inhabitants received him, and took him into the interior the distance of a league, and when he was in the village all the people came to see him, and they gave him food, and entertained him well, especially when

from this they went on further to the West North-west," Lisbon Ac. note. Madrid MS. seven degrees.

1 Paris MS., " to the North-east. Madrid MS., " North-east." The Lisbon Academy copyist has North-west, and has mistaken the Paris MS. on this point.

2 This position seems to indicate the island of Palavan, which Pigafetta places in 9 deg. 20 min. Lisbon Ac. note.

16 NAVIGATION AND VOYAGE OF

they saw that he ate pig^s flesh ; because in this island they had dealings with the Moors of Borneo^ and because the country and people were greedy, they made them neither eat pigs nor bring them up in the country. This country is called Dyguasam,^ and is in nine degrees.

The said Christian seeing that he was favoured and well treated by the inhabitants, gave them to understand by his signs that they should carry provisions to the ships, which would be well paid for. In the country there was nothing except rice not pounded. Then the people set to pounding rice all the night, and when it was morning they took the rice and the said Christian, and came to the ships, where they did them great honour, -and took in the rice and paid them, and they returned on shore. This man being already set on shore, inhabitants of another village, a little further on, came to the ships and told them to go to their village, and that they would give them much provisions for their money; and as soon as the said man whom they had sent arrived, they set sail and went to anchor at the village of those who had come to call them, which was named Yay Palay Cucara Caubam,^ where Carvalho made peace with the king of the country, and they settled the price of the rice, and they gave them two measures of rice which weighed one hundred and fourteen pounds^ for three fathoms of linen stuff of Britanny ; they took there as much rice as they wanted, and goats and pigs, and whilst they were at this place there came a Moor, who had been in the village

1 Paris MS., " Degameao." Lisbon Ac. note. Madrid MS., " Dy- gam^am."

2 Paris MS., " ypalajra cara canao." Lisbon Ac. note. I read this, " y palay cu cara canao :" the Madrid MS. has " fulay cucara cabam." The "word folay., Tagal for rice, and the next sentence in the text seem to indicate that an offer to trade was mistaken for the name of this island.

3 Paris MS., " one hundredweight and fourteen pounds." Lisbon Ac. note.

FEENANDO DE MAGALHAES. 17

of Dygua^am,^ which belongs to the Moors of Borneo^ as has been said above_, and after that he went to his country.

While they were at anchor near this village of Digua^am/ there came to them a parao in which there was a negro named Bastiam, who asked for a flag and a passport for the governor of Diguacjam^ and they gave him all this and other things as a present. They asked the said Bastiam^ who spoke Portuguese sufficiently well, since he had been in MalucOj where he became a Christian, if he would go with them and shew them Borneo ; he said he would very will- ingly, and when the departure arrived he hid himself, and seeing that he did not come, they set sail from this port of Diguacam on the 21st day of July^ to seek for Borneo. As they set sail there came to them a parao, which was coming to the port of Diguacam, and they took it, and in it they took three Moors, who said they were pilots, and that they would take them to Borneo.

Having got these Moors, they steered along this island to the south-west, and fell in with two islands at its extremity, and passed between them ; that on the north side is named Bolyna, and that on the south Bamdym.^ Sailing to the west south-west a matter of fourteen leagues, they fell in with a white bottom, which was a shoal below the water, and the black men they carried with them told them to draw near to the coast of the island, as it was deeper there, and that was more in the direction of Borneo, for from that neighbourhood the island of Borneo could already be sighted. This same day they reached and anchored at some islands, to which they gave the name of islets of St, Paul, which

> Paris MS., "Digaqao;" it is also written Digamca and Diga^a. LishoQi Ac. note.

2 Paris MS., " 21st day of June." Lisbon Ac. note. Madrid MS., " 21st day of June."

3 Paris MS. " The island to the North is named Bolava, and that to the South Bamdill." Lisbon Ac. ?iote. Madrid MS., " Bolina and Bamdill."

C

18 NAVIGATION AND VOYAGE OF

was a matter of two and a half or three leagues from the great island of Borneo^ and they were in about seven degrees at the south side of these islands. In the island of Borneo there is an exceedingly great mountain^ to which they gave the name of Mount St. Paul ; and from thence they navi- gated along the coast of Borneo to the south-west, beween an island and the island of Borneo itself; and they went forward on the same course and reached the neighbourhood of Borneo/ and the Moors whom they had with them told them that there was Borneo, and the wind did not suffer them to arrive thither, as it was contrary. They anchored at an island which is there, and which may be eight leagues from Borneo.

Close to this island is another which has many myrobolans, and the next day they set sail for the other island, which is nearer to the port of Borneo ; and going along thus they saw so many shoals that they anchored, and sent the boats ashore in Borneo, and they took the aforesaid Moorish pilots on shore, and there went a Christian with them ; and the boats went to set them on land, from whence they had to go to the city of Borneo, which was three leagues off, and there they were taken before the Shahbender of Borneo, and he asked what people they were, and for what they came in the ships ; and they were presented to the King of Borneo with the Christian. As soon as the boats had set the said men on shore, they sounded in order to see if the ships could come in closer: and during this they saw three junks which were coming from the port of Borneo from the said city out to sea, and as soon as they saw the ships they returned in- shore : continuing to sound, they found the channel by which the port is entered ; they then set sail, and entered this channel, and being within the channel they anchored, and would not go further in until they received a message from

' Paris MS., " the neighbourhood of the port of Borneo." Lisbon

Ac. note.

FERNANDO BE MAGALHAES. 19

the shore^ which arrived next day with two paraos : these carried certain swivel guns of metal^ and a hundred men in each paraOj and they brought goats and fowls^ and two cows, and figs, and other fruit, and told them to enter further in opposite the islands which were near there, which Avas the true berth ; and from this position to the city there might be three or four leagues. Whilst thus at anchor they esta- blished peace, and settled that they should trade in what there was in the country, especially wax, to which they answered that they would willingly sell all that there was in the country for their money. This port of Borneo is in eight degrees.

For the answer thus received from the King they sent him a present by Gonzalo Mendes Despinosa,^ captain of the ship Victoria, and the King accepted the present, and gave to all of them China stuffs : and when there had passed twenty or twenty-three days that they were there trading with the people of the island, and had got five men on shore in the city itself, there came to anchor at the bar, close to them, five junks, at the hour of vespers, and they remained there that evening and the night until next day in the morning, when they saw coming from the city two hundred paraos, some under sail, others rowing. Seeing in this manner the five junks and the paraos, it seemed to them that there miglit be treachery, and they set sail for the junks, and as soon as the crews of the junks saw them under sail, they also set sail and made off where the wind best served them ; and they overhauled one of the junks with the boats, and took it with twenty-seven men f and the ships went and anchored abreast of the island of the Myrololans, with the junk made fast to the poop of the flagship, and the paraos returned to shore, and when night came there came on a squall from the

1 Paris MS., " Gonzalo Gomez Despinosa."

^ Paris MS., "with seventeen men." Lisbon Ac. note. I read twenty- seven in the Paris MS.

g2

20 NAVIGATION AND VOYAGE OF

west in wliicli the said junk went to tlie bottom alongside the flagship^ without being able to receive any assistance from it.^

Next day in the morning they saw a sail, and went to it and took it; this was a great junk in which the son of the King of Lucam came as captain, and had with him ninety men, and as soon as they took them they sent some of them to the King of Borneo ; and they sent him word by these men to send the Christians whom they had got there, who were seven men, and they would give him all the people whom they had taken in the junk ; on which account the King sent two men of the seven whom he had got there in a parao, and they again sent him word to send the five men who still remained, and they would send all the people whom they had got from the junk. They waited two days for the answer, and there came no message ; then they took thirty men from the junk, and put them into a parao belonging to the junk, and sent them to the King of Borneo, and set sail with fourteen men of those they had taken and three women; and they steered along the coast of the said island to the north-east, returning backwards ; and they again passed between the islands and the great island of Borneo, where the flagship grounded on a point of the island, and so re- mained more than four hours, and the tide turned and it got off, by which it was seen clearly that the tide was of twenty-four hours. ^

Whilst making the aforesaid course the wind shifted to north-east, and they stood out to sea, and they saw a sail coming, and the ships anchored, and the boats went to it and took it; it was a small junk and carried nothing but

^ Sem se aproveitar nada delle^ or, without their having made any use of it.

2 Paris MS. " And so remained a matter of fourteen hours, for it was low water, by which it was clearly seen that the tide was of fourteen hours." Lisbon Ac. note.

TEENANDO DE MAGALHAES. 21

cocoa-nuts j and they took in water and wood^ and set sail along tlie coast of tlie island to tlie north-east^ until they reached the extremity of the said island^ and met with another small island, where they overhauled the ships. They arrived at this island on the day of our Lady of August, and in it they found a very good point for beaching the ships, and they gave it the name of Port St. Mary of August, and it is in fully seven degrees.

As soon as they had taken these precautions they set sail and steered to the south-west until they sighted the island which is named Fagajam,^ and this is a course of thirty-eight to foitj leagues : and as soon as they sighted this island they steered to the south-west, and again made an island which is called Seloque,^ and they had information that there were many pearls there : and when they had already sighted that island the wind shifted to a head-wind, and they could not fetch it by the course they were sailing, and it seemed to them that it might be in six degrees. This same night they arrived at the island of Quipe, and ran along it to the south-east, and passed between it and another island called Tamgym,^ and always running along the coast of the said island, and going thus, they fell in with a parao laden with sago in loaves, which is bread made of a tree which is named cajare,'^ which the people of that country eat as bread. This parao carried twenty-one men, and the chief of them had been in Maluco in the house of Francisco Serram, and having gone further along this island they arrived in sight of some islands which are named Semrrynj^ they are in five degrees, a little more or less. The inhabitants of this land came to see the ships, and so they had speech of one another, and an old man of these people told them that he would conduct them to Maluco.

1 Paris MS., "Cagamja." Lisbon ^ Paris MS., "Tamgyma." Ibid.

Ac. note. ' Paris MS., " Sagu." Ibid.

2 Paris MS., " Solloque." Ihid. ' Paris MS., " Saniyns." Ibid.

22 NAVIGATION AND VOYAGE OP

In this manner, having fixed a time with the old man, an agreement was made with him, and they gave him a certain price for this; and when the next day came, and they were to depart, the old man intended to escape, and they under- stood it, and took him and others who were with him, and who also said that they knew pilot's work, and they set sail ; and as soon as the inhabitants saw them go they fitted out to go after them : and of these paraos there did not reach the ships more than two, and these reached so near that they shot arrows into the ships, and the wind was fresh^ and they could not come up with them. At midnight of that day they sighted some islands, and they steered more towards them ; and next day they saw land, which was an island ; and at night following that day they found themselves very close to it, and when night fell the wind calmed and the currents drew them very much inshore ; there the old pilot cast him- self into the sea, and betook himself to land.

Sailing thus forward, after one of the pilots had fled, they sighted another island and arrived close to it, and another Moorish pilot said that Maluco was still further on, and navigating thus, the next day in the morning they sighted three high mountains, which belonged to a nation of people whom they called the Salabos f and then they saw a small island where they anchored to take in some water, and be- cause they feared that in Maluco they would not be allowed to take it in; and they omitted doing so, because the Moorish pilot told them that there were some four hundred^ men in that island, and that they were all very bad, and might do them some injury, as they were men of little faith ; and that he would give them no such advice as to go to that island ; and also because Maluco, which they were seeking, was now

i Paris MS., "light." Lisbon Ac. note. The Paris MS. seems to me to have " fresquo," and not " ffraqtio." 2 Paris MS., " Calibes." Lisbon Ac. note. 2 Paris MS., " five huudi-ed." Lisbon Ac. note.

FERNANDO DE MAGALHAES. 23

near, and that its kings were good men, who gave a good reception to all sorts of men in their country; and while still in this neighbourhood^ thej saw the islands themselves of MalucOj and for rejoicing they fired all the artilleiy, and they arrived at the island^ on the 8th of November of 1521, so that they spent from Seville to Maluco two years, two months and twenty-eight days, for they sailed on the 10th of August of 1519.^

As soon as they arrived at the island of Tydor,"^ which is in half a degree, the King thereof did them great honour, which could not be exceeded : there they treated with the King for their cargo, and the King engaged to give them a cargo and whatever there was in the country for their money, and they settled to give for the bahar of cloves fourteen ells of yellow cloth of twenty-seven tem,^ which are worth in Castile a ducat the ell ; of red cloth of the same kind ten ells j they also gave thirty ells of Brittany linen cloth, and for each of these quantities they received a bahar of cloves, likewise for thirty knives eight bahars :^ having thus settled all the above mentioned prices, the inhabitants of the country gave them information that further on, in another island near, there was a Portuguese man. This island might be two leagues distant, and it was named Targatell ;''' this man was the chief person of Maluco ; there we now have got a fortress.^ They then wrote letters to the said Portuguese, to come and speak with them, to which he answered that he did not dare,

'' Paris MS., "in these discussions." Lisbon Ac. note.

2 Paris MS. " of Tidore." Lisbon Ac. note.

^ Pigafetta says : " On Friday, 8th of November, 1521, three hours before sunset, we entered the port of an island called Tadore . . . 27 months less two days had passed that we had been seekmg Maluco. lAsbon Ac. note.

^ Pigafetta puts this island in 0 deg. 27 min. Lisbon Ac. note.

5 In the Paris MS. this word tern is wanting. Lisbon Ac. note.

6 Paris MS., " another bahar." Lisbon Ac. note. '' Paris MS., " Tarnate." Lisbon Ac. note.

* This clause seems to have been added to the text by the copyist ;

24 NAVIGATION AND VOYAGE OP

because tbe King of the country forbade it ; that if they ob- tained permission from the King he would come at once ; this permission they soon got, and the Portuguese came to speak with them.^ They gave him an account of the prices which they had settled, at which he was amazed, and said that on that account the King had ordered him not to come, as they did not know the truth about the prices of the country; and whilst they were thus taking in cargo there arrived the King of Baraham,^ which is near there, and said that he wished to be a vassal of the King of Castile, and also that he had got four hundred bahars of cloves, and that he had sold it to the King of Portugal, and that they had bought it, but that he had not yet delivered it, and if they wished for it, he would give it all to them ; to which the captains answered that if he brought it to them, and came with it, they would buy it, but otherwise not. The King, seeing that they did not wish to take the cloves, asked them for a flag and a letter of safe conduct, which they gave him, signed by the captains of the ships.

While they were thus waiting for the cargo, it seemed to them, from the delay in the delivery, that the King was pre- paring some treachery against them, and the greater part of the ships^ crews made an uproar and told the captains to go, as the delays which the King made were for nothing else than treachery: as it seemed to them all that it might be so, they were abandoning everything, and were intending to depart; and being about to unfurl the sails, the King, who

because the fortress of Ternate was only begun in the year 1622, on St. John's day, when Antonio de Brito was captain. (Castanheda, 1. 6, cap. 12). Lisbon Ac. note. This clause may belong to the writer, the pilot, since he mentions the fortress and Antonio de Brito later, subse- quent to July of 1522.

1 The Portuguese here mentioned seems to be Pedro Affonso deLourosa, who betrayed the Portuguese and passed over to the Castilians, accord- ing to Pigafetta's account. Lisbon Ac. note.

^ Paris MS., " Bargao." Lisbon Ac. note. I read this Bachao ; this is the correct spelling.

FERNANDO DE MAGALHAES. 25

had made the agreement with them^ came to the flagship and asked the captain why he wanted to go^ because that which he had agreed upon with him he intended to fulfil it as had been settled. The captain replied that the ships' crews said they should go and not remain any longer^ as it was only treachery that was being prepared against them. To this the King answered that it was not so^ and on that account he at once sent for his Koran^ upon which he wished to make oath that nothing such should be done to them. They at once brought him this Koran^ and upon it he made oath_, and told them to rest at ease with that. At this the crews were set at rest^ and he promised them that he would give them their cargo by the 15th December 1521, which he fulfilled within the said time without being wanting in any- thing.

When the two ships were already laden and about to "unfurl their sails, the flagship^ sprung a large leak, and the King of the country learning this, he sent them twenty-five divers^ to stop the leak, which they were unable to do. They settled that the other ship should depart, and that this one should again discharge all its cargo, and unload it ; and as they could not stop the leak, that they [the people of the country] should give them all that they might be in need of. This was done, and they discharged the cargo of the flagship ; and when the said ship was repaired, they took in her cargo, and decided on making for the country of the Antilles, and the course from Maluco to it was 2,000 leagues a little more or less. The other ship, which set sail first, left on the 21st of December of the said year, and went out to sea for Timor, and made its course behind Java, 2,055 leagues to the Cape of Good Hope.^

'' The flagship was the Trinidade. Lisbon Ac. note.

2 Pigafetta says the King seut five divers, and afterwards three more, •who could not stop the water. Lisbon Ac. note.

3 Pigafetta sailed in this ship tlie Victoria. The Trinidade., after

26 NAVIGATION AND VOYAGE OF

They refitted the ship, and took in the cargo in four months and sixteen days : they sailed on the 6th of April of the year 1522, and took their course for the mainland of the Antilles by the strait through which they had come ; and at first they navigated to the North, until they came out from the islands of Ternate and Tymor ;^ afterwards they navigated along the island of Betachina, ten or eleven leagues to the North-east ; ^ after that they steered about twenty leagues to the North-east, and so arrived at an island, which is named Doyz,^ and is in three and a half degrees South latitude at its South-eastern side : from this place they navigated three or four leagues eastwards, and sighted two islands, one large and the other small ; the large one was named Porquenampello,* and passed between it and Batechina, which lay on their starboard side. They reached a cape, to which they gave the name Cape of Palms, because they sighted it on the vigil of Palms. This cape is in two and a half degrees : thence they steered to the South to make Quimar,^ which is land belonging to the King of Tydor, and the said King had ordered that they should receive whatever there was in the country for their money, and there they took pigs and goats, and fowls and cocoa- nuts and hava : ^ they remained in this port eight or nine days. This port of Camarfya'^ is in one and a quarter degree.

refitting, took the opposite course and sailed for Yucatan and the isthmus of Darien, -which is here called latid of the Antilles ; but it found itself obliged to put back to the Moluccas, and whilst about to discharge its cargo at Ternate, was cast on shore. Lisbon Ac. note.

1 Paris MS., " Tydore." Lisbon Ac. note. The correct reading.

2 Paris MS., "North-north-east." Li-iboti Ac. note.

3 Paris MS., "Domy." Lisbon Ac. note.

* Paris MS. " The large one is named Chaol, and the small one Pyliom." Lisbon Ac. note.

^ Paris MS., '' Quemarre." Lisbon Ac. note.

« Paris MS., " agoa^'' water, but hava or ava is a drink used in those countries. Lisbon Ac. note.

' Paris MS., " Camarro." Lisbon Ac. note.

FEENANDO DE MAGALHAES. 27

They sailed from this port on the 20th ^ of Aprils and steered for about seventeen leagues,^ and came out of the channel of the island of Batechina and the island Charam ;^ and as soon as they were outside, they saw that the said island of Charam* ran to the South-east a good eighteen or twenty leagues, and it was not their course, for their direc- tion was to the East^ and a quarter North-east ; and they navigated in the said course some days, and always found the winds very contrary for their course. On the 3rd of May tbey made two small islands, which might be in five degrees more or less, to which they gave the name of islands of St. Antony.^ Thence they navigated further on to the North-east, and arrived at an island which is named Cyco,'^ which is in fully nineteen degrees, and they made this island on the 11th of July.^ From this island they took a man, whom they carried away with them, and they navigated further on, tacking about with contrary winds, until they reached forty-two degrees North latitude.

When they were in this neighbourhood, they were short of bread, wine, meat, and oil ; they had nothing to eat only water and rice, without other provisions ; and the cold was great, and they had not sufficient covering, the crews began to die, and seeing themselves in this state, they decided on putting back in the direction of Maluco, which they at once carried into effect. When at a distance of five hundred leagues from it, they desired to make the island which is

■• Paris MS., " 25th." Lisbon Ac. note.

2 Paris MS., " steered seventeen leagues eastwards." Lisbon Academy note.

3 Paris MS., " Chao." Lisbon Ac. note.

* Paris MS., " BatecMna." Lisbon Ac. note.

5 Paris MS., "West." Lisbon Ac. note.

^ Paris MS., " islands of St. John :" it also says they made them on the 6th. Lisbon Ac. note.

' Paris MS., " Chyquom." Lisbon Ac. note.

8 Paris MS., " 11th of June." Lisbon Ac. note. July will be the correct reading.

28 NAVIGATION AND VOYAGE OP

named Quamgragam/ and as they sighted it at nighty tliej'' did not choose to make it ; they waited thus till it dawned next day, and they were unable to fetch the said island ; and the man whom they carried with them, and whom before they had taken from that island, told them to go further on, and they would make three islands, where there was a good port, and this which the black man said, was in order to run away at them, as indeed he did run away. On arriving at these three islands, they fetched them with some danger, and anchored in the middle of them in fifteen fathoms. Of these islands, the largest was inhabited by twenty persons between men and women : this island is named Pamo -^ it is in twenty degrees more or less : here they took in rain-water, as there was no other in the country. la this island the black man^ ran away. Thence they sailed to make the land of Camafo, and as soon as they sighted it they had calms, and the currents carried them away from the land ; and afterwards they had a little wind, and they made for the land, but could not fetch it ; they then went to anchor between the islands of Domi and Batechina, and while at anchor, a parao passed by them with some men who belonged to the King of an island named Geil61o,^ and they gave them news that the Portu- guese were in Maluco making a fortress. Learning this, they at once sent the clerk of the ship with certain men^ to the captain-major of those Portuguese, who was named Antonio de Bryto, to ask him to come and bring the ship to the place where they were ; because the crew of the ship had mostly died, and the rest were sick, and could not navigate the ship. As soon as Antonio de Bryto saw the

* Paris MS., "Magregua." Lisbon Ac. note.

2 Paris MS., "Mao." Ibid.

3 Paris MS., " the black man and three Christians." Ibid.

* Paris MS., " Gelolo." Ibid.

* Paris MS., " certain men with letters." Ibid.

FERNANDO DE MAGALHAES. 29

letter and message, he sent down Dom Gonzalo^ Amriquiz, captain of the ship Sam Jorge/ and also a fusta with some country paraos_, and they went thus in search of the ship, and having found it, they brought it to the fortress, and whilst they were discharging its cargo, there came a squall from the north,^ which cast it on shore. Where this ship turned to put back to Maluco was a little more or less than 1050 or 1100 leagues from the island.

This was transcribed from the paper-book of a Genoese pilot, who came in the said ship, who wrote all the voyage as it is here. He went to Portugal in the year 1524 with Dom Amriqui de Menezes.* Thanks be to God.

' Paris MS., " Dom Garcia." Garcia, and not Gonzalo, was the name of this gentleman. See Barros and Castanheda. Lisbon Ac. note.

2 Paris MS.j "Sam Joze." Lisbon Ac. note. I read this "Sam Jorge."

3 Paris MS., " a squall at night." Lisbon Ac. note. I read this " do norte " from the north, and not " de noite."

* It is easily seen that this note does not belong to the Roteiro., and that it was added by the copyist : we have already noticed the difference which there is between it and another similar note of the Paris MS, It seems that the person who wrote it made some mistake, owing to there having been many gentlemen of the name of Menezes at that time in India . . . . D. Henrique de Menezes succeeded Vasco da Gama, in 1524, as Governor of India, and therefore could not be the D. Amrique de Menezes who came to the kingdom in 1524, as the note says. This deserving Governor died at Cananor on the day of the Purification of 1526. Lisbon Ac. note.

30

NARRATIVE OF A PORTUGUESE, COMPANION OF

ODOARDO BARBOSA, IN THE SHIP VICTORIA,

IN THE YEAR 1519. (From "Ramusio".)

In the name of God and of ^ood salvation. We departed from Seville with five ships on the tenth of August^ in the year 1519^ to go and discover the Molucca Islands. We commenced our voyage from San Lucar for the Canary Islands^ and sailed south-west 960 miles, where we found ourselves at the island of Tenerife, in which is the harbour of Santa Cruz in twenty- eight degrees of north latitude. And from the island of Tenerife we sailed southwards 1680 miles, when we found ourselves in four degrees of north latitude. From these four degrees of north latitude we sailed south-west, until we found ourselves at the Cape of Saint Augustin, which is in eight degrees of south lati- tude, having accomplished 1200 miles. And from Cape Saint Augustin we sailed south and by south-west 864 miles, where we found ourselves in twenty degrees of south latitude. From twenty degrees of south latitude, being at sea, we sailed 1500 miles south-west, when we found our- selves near the river, whose mouth is 108 miles wide, and lies in thirty-five degrees of the said south latitude. We named it the river of Saint Christopher. From this river we sailed 1638 miles south-west by west, where we found ourselves at the point of the Lupi Marini, which is in forty- eight degrees of south latitude. And from the point of the Lupi Marini we sailed south-west 350 miles, where we found ourselves in the harbour of Saint Julian, and stayed there five months waiting for the sun to return towards us, because in June and July it appeared for only four hours each day. From this harbour of Saint Julian, which is in fifty degrees, we departed on the 24th of August, 1520, and sailed westward a hundred miles, where we found a river to

NAERATIVE OF A PORTUGUESE. 31

whicli we gave tlie name of River of Santa Oruz^ and there we remained until the 18th of October. This river is in fifty degrees. We departed thence on the 18th of October, and sailed along the coast 378 miles south-west by west, where we found ourselves in a strait, to which we gave the name Strait of Victoria, because the ship Victoria was the first that had seen it : some called it the Strait of Magal- haens, because our captain was named Fernando de Ma- galhaens. The mouth of this strait is in fifty-three degrees and a half, and we sailed through it 400 miles to the other mouth, which is in the same latitude of fifty-three degrees and a half. We emerged from this strait on the 27th of November, 1520, and sailed between west and north-west 9858 miles, until we found ourselves upon the equinoctial line. In this course we found two uninhabited islands, the one of which was distant from the other 800 miles. To the first we gave the name of Saint Peter, and to the other the island of the Tiburones. Saint Peter is in eighteen degrees, the island of the Tiburones in fourteen degrees of south latitude. From the equinoctial line we sailed between west and north-west 2046 miles, and discovered several islands between ten and twelve degrees of north latitude. In these islands there were many naked people as well men as women, we gave the islands the name of the Ladrones, because the people had robbed our ship : but it cost them very dear. I shall not relate further the course that we made, because we lengthened it not a little. But I will tell you that to go direct from these islands of the Ladrones to the Moluccas it is necessary to sail south-west a 1000 miles, and there oc- cur many islands, to which we gave the name of the Archi- pelago of Saint Lazarus. A little further there are the islands of the Moluccas, of which there are five, namely, Ternate, Tidor, Molir, Machiam, Bachian. In Ternate the Portuguese had built a very strong castle before I left. From the Molucca Islands to the islands of Banda there are three hundred miles, and one goes thither by difierent

32 NARRATIVE OP A PORTUGUESE.

courses, because there are many islands in between, and one must sail by sight. In these islands until you reach the islands of Banda, which are in four degrees and a half of south latitude, there are collected from thirty to forty thou- send cantaros of nutmegs annually, and there is likewise col- lected much mastic ; and if you wish to go to Calicut you must always sail amidst the islands as far as Malacca, which is distant from the Moluccas 2000 miles, and from Malacca to Calicut are 2000 miles more. From Calicut to Portugal there are 14,000 miles. If from the islands of Banda you wish to round the Cape of Good Hope, you must sail be- tween west and south-west until you find yourself in thirty- four degrees and a half of south latitude, and from there you sail westward, always keeping a good look-out at the prow not to run aground on the said Cape of Good Hope or its neighbourhood. From this Cape of Good Hope one sails north-west by west 2400 miles, and there finds the island of Saint Helena, where Portuguese ships go to take in water and wood, and other things. This island is in sixteen de- grees south latitude, and there is no habitation except that of a Portuguese man, who has but one hand and one foot, no nose, and no ears, and is called Fornam-lopem.

Sailing 1600 miles north-west from this island of Saint Helena you will find yourself upon the equinoctial line : from which line you will sail 3534 miles north-west by north, until you find yourself in thirty-nine degrees north latitude. And if you wish to go from these thirty-nine de- grees to Lisbon you will sail 950 miles eastward, where you will find the islands of the Azores, of which there are seven, namely, Terceira, San Jorge, Pico, Fayal, Graciosa, on the east, the island of Saint Michael, and the island of Saint Mary, all are between thirty-seven and forty degrees of north latitude. From the island of Terceira you will then sail eastward 1100 miles, where you will find yourself on the land of Lisbon.

NAVIGATION ET DESCOUUREMENT DE LA

INDIE SUPERIEURB FAICTE PAR MOT

ANTHOYNE PIGAPHETA, YINCENTIN,

CHEYALLIER DE RHODES.

Anthony Pigapheta, Patrician of Vicenza, and Kniyld of

Rhodes, to the very illustrious and very excellent

Lord Philip de Yillers Lisleauen, the famous

Grand Master of Rhodes, his most

respected Lord}

Since there are several curious persons (very illustrious and very reverend lord) who not only are pleased to listen to and learn the great and wonderful things which God has per- mitted me to see and suffer in the long and perilous naviga- tion^ which T have performed (and which is written hereafter), but also they desire to learn the methods and fashions of the road which I have taken in order to go thither, [and who do] not grant firm belief to the end unless they are first well ad- vised and assured of the commencement. Therefore, my lord, it will please you to hear that finding myself in Spain in the year of the Nativity of our Lord, one thousand five hundred and nineteen, at the court of the most serene king^ of the Romans, with the reverend lord, Mons. Francis Cheregato,^ then apostolic proto-notary, and ambassador of the Pope Leon the Tenth, who, through his virtue, afterwards arrived at the bishoprick of Aprutino and the principality of Theramo, and knowing both by the reading of many books and by the report of many lettered and well-informed persons who conversed with the said proto-notary, the very great and awful things of the ocean, I deliberated, with the favour

' Son Seigneur osservatissime.

2 Charles V was elected Emperor the 28th June, 1519.

3 Chiericato. Milan edition.

d2

36 PIGAPETA JOINS MAGELLAN.

of the Emperor and tlie above-named lord, to experiment and go and see with my eyes a part of those things. By which means I could satisfy the desire of the said lords, and mine own also. So that it might be said that I had per- formed the said voj^age, and seen well with my eyes the things hereafter written.

Now in order to decypher the commencement of my voyage (very illustrious lord) ; having heard that there was in the city of Seville, a small armade to the number of five ships, ready to perform this long voyage, that is to say, to find the islands of Maluco, from whence the spices come : of which armade the captain-general was Fernand de Maga- glianes, a Portuguese gentleman, commander of St. James of the Sivord, who had performed several voyages in the ocean sea (in which he had behaved very honourably as a good man), I set out with many others in my favour from Barcelona, where at the time the Emperor was, and came by sea as far as Malaga, and thence I went away by land until I arrived at the said city of Seville. There I remained for the space of three months, waiting till the said armade was in order and readiness to perform its voyage. And because (very illustrious lord) that on the return from the said voyage, on going to Rome towards the holiness of our Holy Father,^ I found your lordship «it Monterosa,^ where of your favour you gave me a good reception, and afterwards gave me to understand that you desired to have in writing the things which God of His grace had permitted me to see in my said voyage ; therefore to satisfy and accede to your desire,^ I have reduced into this small book the principal things, in the best manner that I have been able.

Finally (very illustrious lord), after all provisions had been made, and the vessels were in. order, the captain -gen oral, a

1 Clement Vn (Medici) was elected Pontiff in 1523, and died in 1534.

2 Monterosi. Milan edition.

« The Milan edition attributes this desire to the Pope.

Magellan's sailing oedeks. 37

discreet and virtuous man^ careful of liis honour^ would not commence his voyage without first making some good and wholesome ordinances^ such as it is the good custom to make for those who go to sea. Nevertheless he did not entirely declare the voyage which he was going to make, so that his men should not from amazement and fear be unwilling to ac- company him on so long a voyage, as he had undertaken in his intention. Considering the great and impetuous storm s-'- which are on the ocean sea, where I wished to go ; and for another reason also, that is to say that the masters and captains of the other ships of his company did not love him : of this I do not know the reason, except by cause of his, the captain-general, being Portuguese, and they were Spaniards or Castilians, who for a long time have been in rivalry and ill will with one another. Notwithstanding this all were obedient to him. He made his ordinances such as those which follow, so that during the storms at sea, which often come on by night and day, his ships should not go away and separate from one another. These ordinances he published and made over in writing to each master of the ships, and commanded them to be observed and inviolably kept, unless there were great and legitimate excuses, and appearance of not having been able to do otherwise.

Firstly, the said captain-general willed that the vessel in which he himself was should go before the other vessels, and that the others should follow it ; therefore he carried by night on the poop of his ship a torch or faggot of burning wood, which they called farol, which burned all the night, so that his ships should not lose sight of him. Sometimes he set a lantern, sometimes a thick cord of reeds ^ was lighted, which was called trenche.^ This is made of reeds well soaked in the water, and much beaten, then they are dried in the sun or in the smoke, and it is a thing very suit- able for such a matter. When the captain had made one of

■ Fortunes. ^ Jonq. ^ Estrenque, made of esparta.

o8 ■ MAGELLAN S SAILING ORDERS.

his signals to his people^ they answered in the same way. In that manner they knew whether the ships were following and keeping together or not. And when he wished to take a tack on account of the change of weather^ or if the wind was contrary^ or if he wished to make less way_, he had two lights shown ; and if he wished the others to lower their small sail/ which was a part of the sail attached to the great sail_, he showed three lights. Also by the three lights^ not- withstanding that the wind was fair for going faster^ he signalled that the studding sail should be lowered ; so that the great sail might be quicker and more easily struck and furled when bad weather should suddenly set in^ on account of some squall^ or otherwise. Likewise when the captain wished the other ships to lower the sail he had four lights shown^ which shortly after he had put out and then showed a single one, which was a signal that he wished to stop there and turn, so that the other ships might do as he did. Withal, when he discovered any land, or shoal, that is to say, a rock at sea, he made several lights be shown or had a bombard fired off. If he wished to make sail, he signalled to the other ships with four lights, so that they should do as he did, and follow him. He always carried this said lantern suspended to the poop of his vessel. Also when he wished the studding sail to be replaced with the great sail, he showed three lights. And to know whether aU the ships followed him and were coming together^ he showed one light only besides the fanol, and then each of the ships showed another light, which was an answering signal.

Besides the above-mentioned ordinances for carrying on seamanship as is fitting, and to avoid the dangers which may come upon those who do not keep watch, the said captain, who was expert in the things required for navigation, ordered that three watches should be kept at night. The

' Bonnette=stun sail, formerly added below the squai-e sail. 2 Groupade.

MAGELLAN LEAVES SEVILLE. 39

first was at the beginning of the nighty the second at mid- night, and the third towards break of day^ which is commonly called La dicine, otherwise the star of the break of day. Every night these watches were changed -, that is to say, he who had kept the first watch, on the following day kept the second, and he who had kept the second kept the third ; and so on they changed continually every night. The said captain commanded that his regulations both for the signals and the watches should be well observed, so that their voyage should be made with greater security. The crews of this fleet were divided into three companies ; the first belonged to the captain, the second to the pilot or nochier, and the third to the master. These regulations having been made, the captain-general deliberated on sailing, as follows.

Monday, the day of St. Laurence, the 10th of August, in the year above mentioned, the fleet, provided with what was necessary for it, and carrying crews of difierent nations, to the number of two hundred and thirty-seven men in all the five ships, was ready to set sail from the mole of Seville; and firing all the artillery, we made sail only on the foremast, and came to the end of a river named Betis, which is now called Guadalcavir. In going along this river we passed by a place named Grioan de Farax, where there was ^ a large population of Moors, and there there was a bridge over the river by which one went to Seville. This bridge was ruined, however there had remained two columns which are at the bottom of the water, on which account it is necessary to have people of the country of experience and knowledge to point out the convenient spot for safely passing between these two columns, from fear of striking against them. Besides that, it is necessary in order to pass safely by this bridge and by other places on this river, that the water should be rather high. After having passed the two ' Milan edition adds here, formerly.

40 MAGELLAN SETS SAIL.

columns we came to another place named Coria_, and passing by many little villages lying along the said river^ at last we arrived at a castle, which belongs to the Duke of Medina Sidonia, named St. Lucar, where there is a port from which to enter the ocean sea. It is entered by the east wind and you go out by the west wind. Near there is the cape of St. Yincent, which, according to cosmography, is in thirty- seven degrees of latitude, at twenty miles distance from the said port ; and from the aforesaid town to this port by the river there are thirty-five or forty miles. A few days after- wards the captain-general came along the said river with his boat, and the masters of the other ships with him, and we remained some days in this port to supply the fleet with some necessary things. We went every day to hear mass on shore, at a church named Our Lady of Barrameda, towards St. Lucar. There the captain commanded that all the men of the fleet should confess before going on any further, in which he himself showed the way to the others. Besides he did not choose that anyone should bring any married woman, or others to the ships, for several good considerations.

Tuesday, the 20th September of the said year,^ we set sail from St. Lucar, making the course of the south-west otherwise named Labeiche -^ and on the twenty-sixth of the said month we arrived at an island of great Canaria, named Teneriphe, which. is in twenty-eight degrees latitude ; there we remained three days and a half to take in provisions and other things which were wanted. After that we set sail thence and came to a port named Monterose, where we sojourned two days to supply ourselves with pitch, which is a thing necessary for ships. It is to be known that among the other isles which are at the said great Canaria, there is one, where not a drop of water is to be found proceeding from a fountain or a river, only once a day at the hour of ^ 1519. 2 Garbm and Libeccio.

TENEETFE. 41

midday^ there descends a cloud from the sky which envelops a large tree which is in this island, and it falls upon the leaves of the tree, and a great abundance of water distils from these leaves, so that at the foot of the tree there is so large a quantity of water that it seems as if there was an ever-running fountain. The men who inhabit this place are satisfied with this water ; also the animals, both domestic and wild, drink of it.

Monday, the third of October of the said year, at the hour of midnight, we set sail, making the course auster, which the levantine mariners call Siroc,^ entering into the ocean sea. We passed the Cape Yerd and the neighbouring islands in fourteen-and-a-half degrees, and we navigated for several days by the coast of Guinea or Ethiopia ; where there is a mountain called Sierra Leona, which is in eight degrees latitude according to the art and science of cosmography and astrology. Sometimes we had the wind contrary and at other times sufiiciently good, and rains without wind. In this manner we navigated with rain for the space of sixty days until the equinoctial line, which was a thing very strange and unaccustomed to be seen, according to the saying of some old men and those who had navigated here several times. Nevertheless, before reaching this equinoctial line we had in fourteen degrees a variety of weather and bad winds, as much on account of squalls as for the head winds and cur- rents which came in such a manner that we could no longer advance. In order that our ships might not perish nor broach to^ (as it often happens when the squalls come together), we struck our sails, and in that manner we went about the sea hither and thither until the fair weather came. During the calm there came large fishes near the ships which they called Tihuroni (sharks), which have teeth of a terrible kind, and eat people when they find them in the sea either alive or dead. These fishes are caught with a device which ' Soutli-east. 2 Donnassent a travers.

42 SEA BIRDS.

the mariners call hamCj which is a hook of iron. Of these, some were caught by our men. However, they are worth nothing to eat when they are large ; and even the small ones are worth but little. During these storms the body of St. Anselme appeared to us several times ; amongst others, one night that it was very dark on account of the bad weather, the said saint appeared in the form of a fire lighted at the summit of the mainmast,^ and remained there near two hours and a half, which comforted us greatly, for we were in tears, only expecting the hour of perishing ; and when that holy light was going away from us it gave out so great a brilliancy in the eyes of each, that we were near a quarter-of-an-hour like people blinded, and calling out for mercy. For without any doubt nobody hoped to escape from that storm. It is to be noted that all and as many times as that light which repre- sents the said St. Anselme shows itself and descends upon a vessel which is in a storm at sea, that vessel never is lost. Immediately that this light had departed the sea grew calmer, and then we saw divers sorts of birds, amongst others there were some which had no fundament.^ There is also another kind of bird of such a nature that when the female wishes to lay her eggs she goes and lays them on the back of the male, and there it is that the eggs are hatched. This last kind have no feet and are always in the sea. There is another kind of bird which only lives on the droppings of the other birds, this is a true thing, and they are named Oagaselo, for I have seen them follow the other birds until they had done what nature ordered them to do ; and after it has eat this dirty diet it does not follow any other bird until hunger returns to it ; it always does the same thing.^ There are also fish which fly, and we saw a

1 La grande gabbe. ^ N'avoyent point de fondement.

=" In reality this bird swallows the fish which it forces the fishing- bird to disooroje.

ARRIVAL AT BRAZIL. 43

great quantity of them together, so many that it seemed that it was an island in the sea.

After that we had passed the equinoctial Hne, towards the southj we lost the star of the tramontana, and we navi- gated between the south and Garbin, which is the collateral wind [or point] between south and west ; and we crossed as far as a country nauied Verzin, which is in twentj^-four degrees and a half of the antarctic sky. This country is from the cape St. Augustine, which is in eight degrees in the ant- arctic sky. At this place we had refreshments of victuals, like fowls and meat of calves/ also a variety of fruits, called bat- tate, pigne (pine-apples), sweet, of singular goodness, and many other things, which I have omitted mentioning, not to be too long. The people of the said place gave, in order to have a knife, or a hook^ for catching fish, five or six fowls, and for a comb they gave two geese, and for a small mirror, or a pair of scissors, they gave so much fish that ten men could have eaten of it. And for a bell (or hawk^s-bell)^ they gave a full basket* of the fruit named battate ; this has the taste of a chestnut, and is of the length of a shuttle.^ For a king of cards, of that kind which they used to play with in Italy, they gave me five fowls, and thought they had cheated me. We entered into this port the day of Saint Lucy^ [18th December], before Christmas, on which day we had the sun on the zenith,'' which is a term of astro- logy. This zenith is a point in the sky, according to astrologers, and only in imagination, and it answers to over our head in a straight line, as may be seen by the treatise of the sphere,^ and by Aristotle, in the first book, De Ocelo et Monclo. On the day that we had the sun in the zenith

' The Milan edition has "flesh of the Anta, like that of a cow"; and a note says the anta is the tapir. ^ Haim.

^ Aigueillette, same as esquillette. * Coffin.

^ Naveau, for navette.

« Le jour de Saincte Lucie aux auantz de Noel. ' Par zeuit. ^ Or of Lespere.

44 DESCRIPTION OF BEAZIL.

we felt greater heat, as much as when we were on the equinoctial line.

The said country of Verzin is very abundant in all good things, and is larger than France, Spain, and Italy together. It is one of the countries which the King of Portugal has conquered [acquired] . Its inhabitants are not Christians, and adore nothing, but live according to the usage of nature, rather bestially than otherwise. Some of these people live a hundred, or a hundred and twenty, or a hundred and forty years, and more ; they go naked, both men and women. Their dwellings are houses that are rather long, and which they call " boy^^; they sleep upon cotton nets, which they call, in their language, "amache.'" These nets are fastened to large timbers from one end of their house to the other. They make the fire to warm themselves right under their bed. It is to be known that in each of these houses, which they call " boy,^' there dwells a family of a hundred persons, who make a great noise. In this place they have boats, which are made of a tree, all in one piece, which they call " canoo." These are not made with iron instruments, for they have. not got any, but with stones, like pebbles, and with these they plane^ and dig out these boats. Into these thirty or forty men enter, and their oars are made like iron shovels : and those who row these oars are black people, quite naked and shaven, and look like enemi.es^f.Jhe,ll. The men and women of this said place are well made in their bodies. They eat the flesh of their enemies, not as good meat, but because they have adopted this custom. Now this custom arose as follows : an old woman of this place of Verzim had an only son, who was killed by his enemies, and, some days afterwards, the friends of this woman captured one of the said enemies who had put her son to death, and brought him to where she was. Immediately the said old woman, seeing the

^ Rabotent.

DESCRIPTION OF BRAZIL. 45

man who was captured, and recollecting the death of her child, rushed upon him like a mad dog, and bit him on the shoulder. However, this man who had been taken prisoner found means to run away, and told how they had wished to eat him, showing the bite which the said old woman had made in his shoulder. After that those who were caught on one side or other were eaten. Through that arose this custom in this place of eating the enemies of each other. But they do not eat up the whole body of the man whom they take prisoner ; they eat him bit by bit, and for fear that he should be spoiled, they cut him up into pieces, which they set to dry in the chimney, and every day they cut a small piece, and eat it with their ordinary vic- tuals in memory of their enemies. I was assured that this custom was true by a pilot, named John Carvagio, who was in our company, and had remained four years in this place ; it is also to be observed that the inhabitants of this place, both men and women, are accustomed to paint themselves with fire, all over the body, and also the face. The men are shaven, and wear no beard, because they pluck it out themselves, and for all clothing they wear a circle surrounded with the largest feathers of parrots,^ and they only cover their posterior parts, which is a cause of laughter and mockery. The people of this place, almost all, escepting^ women and children, have three holes in the lower lip, and carry, hanging in them, small round stones, about a finger in length. These kind of people, both men and women, are not very black, but rather brown,^ and they openly show their shame, and have no hair on the whole of their bodies. The king of this country is called

^ Papegaulx.

2 Fabre's French printed edition, and the Italian edition of 1536, both include the women and children : —

" Quasi tons tant homes que femmes que enfants ont trois pertuis en la levre dembas," etc. " Tutti gli huomini donne et fanciuUi hanno tre huchi," etc. s Xane,

46 DESCRIPTION OP BRAZIL.

Cacrcli^ and there are here an infinite number of parrots, of which they give eight or ten for a looking-glass ; there are also some little cat-monkeys^ having almost the appear- ance of a lion ; they are yellow, and handsome, and agree- able to look at. The people of this place make bread, which is of a round shape, and they take the marrow of certain trees which are there, between the bark and the tree, but it is not at all good, and resembles fresh cheese. There are also some pigs which have their navel on the back,^ and large birds which have their beak like a spoon, and they have no tongue. For a hatchet or for a knife they used to give us one or two of their daughters as slaves, but their wives they would not give up for anything in the world. According to what they say the women of this place never render duty to their husbands by day, but only at night; they attend to business out of doors, and carry all that they require for their husband^s victuals inside small baskets on their heads, or fastened to their heads. Their husbands go with them, and carry a bow of vergin,^ or of black palm, with a handful of arrows of cane. They do this because they are very jealous of their wives. These carry their children fastened to their neck, and they are inside a thing made of cotton in the manner of a net. I omit relating many other strange things, not to be too prolix ; however, I will not forget to say that mass was said twice on shore, where there were many people of the said